This book is a compilation of original international documents concerning indigenous peoples. The documents cover a period from 1455 to 2016. The documents reflects an international political and legal discourse filled with anxiety, colonialism, racism and atrocities until recent times. The documents also reflects the complicated relationship between indigenous peoples, states, international organizations and missionary projects.

Through history, people with disabilities have been oppressed and their rights violated.They have been deprived of the opportunity to live an independent life and participatein society. Despite the fact that Sweden is often at the forefront concerning human rights,we have failed when it comes to disability rights. Therefore, this essay will examine thelegislation to the right of personal assistance, both in Swedish law and in the Conventionon the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. To examine if Sweden follows theinternational rules for personal assistance and the right to a self- determined life. To getan overall picture of the situation in Sweden, this essay will go through what is stated inthe Swedish legislation for personal assistance. The discussion focuses on the Swedishstate and its views on the situation and how they plan to continue working with the issuethrough their reports to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons withDisabilities. The respond and recommendations from the committee will also bediscussed. Swedish non-governmental disability rights organizations will also beincluded. This essay will shed light on today’s situation in Sweden, and the aim is toshow of what might be done in order to improve and strengthen the right to live selfdetermined and integrated in the Swedish society – no matter your abilities.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the psychological consequences for victims of Honor-related violence. The psychological consequences are studied in a human rights context. It looks at which human rights are violated through honor-related violence and oppression. In Sweden today more is known about honor-related violence than it was in the 1990s, when the phenomenon started to be paid attention to in the wake of the killings of three girls. The study applies qualitative methods for data collecting and analysis of data. Most of the material is collected from secondary sources as previous research. The study shows that in most cases, honor-related violence causes psychological illness of the victims. UNs convention on human rights is violated by the honor-related violence and oppression in different ways. The government offers help to the victims in form of both protection and housing. 

Principen om självbestämmanderätt har utvecklats från att vara ett politiskt krav till en åberopbar juridisk rättighet i och med antagandet av Förenta Nationernas stadga 1945. Sedan dess har principen blivit sedvanerätt. Självbestämmanderätten har spelat en avgörande roll i att tiotals kolonier har blivit självständiga länder och suveräna stater under 1960 och 1970 talen i enlighet med FN:s avkolonialiserings resolutionen 1514 från 1960

(Avkoloniseringsdeklarationen-1960). Principen har ytterligare förstärkts genom FN:s resolution 2625 Friendly Relations Deklarationen (FRD-1970). FRD:s innehåll anses vara sedvanerätt (ICJ-Nicaragua Case). Genom FRD har för första gången självbestämmanderätten fått företräde före statssuveräniteten när en minoritet utsätts för ett omfattande förtyck eller förvägras rätten till intern självbestämmande inom moderstatens gränser och när moderstatens regering inte representerar hela befolkningen.

Koloniala makter, Storbritannien och Frankrike, ritade Mellanösterns karta 1916 genom att dra gränserna för fyra av de nya staterna genom Kurdistan vilket gjorde att Mellanösterns fjärde största folkgrupp, kurderna, hamnade som minoritet i de nybildade staterna (Turkiet, Iran, Syrien och Irak) efter första världskriget. Avkoloniserings resolutionen har inte tillämpats i kurder och Kurdistans fall trots att kurderna situation var en följd av de koloniala gränsdragningar. Resolutionen 1514 tolkades på ett sådant sätt att den kunde omfatta bara kolonialiserade territorier som inte hängde fysiskt ihop med moderstatens och territoriets folk skilde sig etniskt, språkligt och kulturellt från moderstatens befolkning. 

Kurder och Kurdistans fall har varken prövats i enlighet med FRD som under vissa omständigheter ger minoriteter extern självbestämmanderätt eller enligt avkoloniserings- deklaration av Internationella domstolen, ICJ.

Denna uppsats studerar förutsättningarna för kurdernas rätt till självbestämmande och Kurdistans självständighet med utgångspunkten i dagens folkrätt uttryckt annorlunda hur ser det ut relationen kurdernas anspråk på självbestämmande och självständighet och folkrätten. 

CSR has become a tool for global corporations to justify their outsourcing practices in other countries. Despite these CSR policies, reports reveal that labor rights violations are common in these supply chains, and not at least in the garment industry. The purpose of this study is therefore to explore how a global clothing company’s CSR policy on labor rights is working on the ground and which factors that influence its implementation. Interviews with factory workers and experts on the topic have taken place in one of India’s largest garment hubs. The findings are based on thematical analysis and the analysis suggests that the global brand (H&M) could improve the situation by taking certain actions though several external factors also have an affect. The responsibility for poor labor conditions needs to be divided between multiple actors who all have a duty to act within their spheres of influence. The study concludes that the underlying problem of economic exploitation must be brought to an end through increased cooperation between global companies.

Wars, conflicts, natural disasters, and poverty are several reasons why millions of children worldwide are fleeing their homes and seeking refuge in other countries. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) emphasizes the obligation of the recipient countries to promote the physical and mental recovery and integration of refugee children into society. Refugee children can in turn be perceived by the host country as long-term investments or financial burdens. The objectification of perceiving human beings as assets or burdens, rather than human, is an indication of dehumanization. Dehumanizing perceptions and views are formed by people or societies and can be spread with the help of various media platforms. This study examines 24 Swedish newspaper articles, published between the years 2015-2022, with the aim to analyze whether and how the articles use dehumanizing words, expressions, and assumptions in their representation of refugee children. To identify dehumanizing words, expressions and assumptions from the selected newspaper articles, Nick Haslam's theory of dehumanization is applied. This is a qualitative content analysis, with quantitative elements. Carol Lee Bacchi’s qualitative analysis tool, what's the problem represented to be? (WPR), is used to analyze how refugee children are represented and perceived in the newspaper articles. Upon reviewing the newspaper articles, the results were decided into four overall dehumanizing categories: 1) asset, 2) burden, 3) criminality and 4) grouping. Furthermore, the results show that the dehumanizing representations of refugee children within the newspaper articles indicates mechanistic dehumanization as well as animalistic dehumanization. 

In 2020, it has been confirmed that approximately 240,000 people in Sweden

are exposed to some kind of honor-related violence that can, in the worst case, lead to another persons death. The report claims that the dark figure is much higher than what the existing figures show.

In this essay there will be a couple of cases that will be presented. The cases has a huge part of the Swedish legal system and attitude change towards honor-related violence and honor killing. The reasoning around the cases will be presented in order for the reader to gain knowledge and concretization of the Swedish state's approach to these cases.

On July 1st 2018, a new law entered Sweden that would hopefully will lead to a better justice process regarding sexual offenses. This law was given the name consent

law, which states that sex should be voluntary for the parties who are involved in the sexual acts. If not, the offender will be charged with rape.

The majority of convictions for rape have easily led to the perpetrator being released from the charges. This indicates that something is not right and it’s not wrong with the evidence, the parties or persons working with the cases, but it is something that is defective in the law that has been found before. The previous laws, the Swedish Committee has considered that some terms are outdated for use in the current law.

The previous laws did not agree with ECHR articles and since Sweden has ratified it, the national laws needed to be comprehensive.

Through the course of the essay, we will go through various factors that have led to the current legislation, what resistance it has received and what criticism has it received when it came into force? It will be described what the law looks like and what application difficulties it may have.

The purpose of the new law is to strengthen the sexual integrity of the victim and criminalize the perpetrator's behavior and negligence, which will be included in the thesis. Negligence is a new crime that came in connection with the new law. The law is designed to change the image of the ideal victim and put more focus on the perpetrator's actions to change the society's image of what rape is and hopefully more people will gain more knowledge, which will make big changes in the long run.

This bachelor thesis in human rights aims to critically study the human rights of the muslim minority in Sweden and the possible limitations of the swedish minority politics. With the Sweden Democrats’s (SD) bigger influence in swedish politics today, an increased xenophobia is a fact, which leads to a risk of a society where islamophobic ideas can grow. Through a case study, muslims’ requirements that their basic human rights are guaranteed, will be discussed, to examine limitations in the swedish multicultural society. With the perspecitve of Iris MarionYoung’s “five faces of oppression”, muslims’ situation will be analyzed, through a variety of material. Universal rights, group rights, integration politics and freedom of religion are parts of the analysis. International critique concerning Sweden’s lack of equality statistics and Sweden’s responsability to guarantee minority groups their rights will also be discussed. A need to strengthen the human rights for muslims in general is emphazised in the conclusion, with suggestions for further research.

During 2020, the human rights movement Black Lives Matter, BLM, gathered new momentum after the eight minute recorded murder of George Floyd by an American police officer caught widespread global attention. By the end of the year the BLM protests had spread internationally, with a purpose to most of all bring the issues of structural racism in their own country to the surface. This sparked a debate in Sweden and earlier research show that the dominant understanding of racism is that of racism as individual, caused by certain deviant individuals. The structural understanding of racism, the one where racism is a global power structure, has been on the outer margins of the Swedish debate since the 90’s, but gathered more spread from 2012 and forward thanks to academics and journalists studying post-colonialism, but the individual understanding of racism is still the dominant one. This study aims to analyze and gain a deeper understanding of how ideas are constructed around the understanding of racism in Sweden in relation to BLM and to analyze main arguments and patterns to see if gaslighting is exercised. With structural racism and gaslighting as theoretical frames together with Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analysis as method, the study finds that the debate was still in those two different understandings; questioning discourse and reproducing discourse. Within the questioning discourse, postcolonial ideas and theories were being made, while the reproducing discourse would admit to structural racism in America, but denied its existence in Sweden. They denied structural racism by accusing BLM and the antiracists of importing American “race ideas”, importing a “made up history” to Sweden which are all patterns aligned with gaslighting. Which one of these discourses that will “win” will have an impact on our view of racism and will thus have political, judicial, structural and social consequences along with changes for systems of knowledge and meaning. 

This study examines Islamophobically motivated attacks against mosques. The purpose of this study has been to analyze the legal protection for Muslim groups, and explicate the underlying causes of the mosques' vulnerable situation. Violence against collective groups is criminalized in the Penal Code with the intention of counteracting racial discrimination and preventing future racial persecution. The law recognizes the protection of Muslims in order to promote the principle of the equal value and dignity of human beings. By conducting a discourse analysis of the representation of Muslims during crusades and colonization, it has been possible to understand the rise of Islamophobia. The study’s result and analysis have shown that intolerance towards Muslims is strongly linked to racism and postcolonial theory. By testing the theories and descriptively establishing the applicable law, the picture of the mosques' vulnerable situation is explained. This study provides a clear picture that attacks on mosques with Islamophobic motives are a rights issue that needs a broader discussion based on a human rights perspective.

Since the 1990s, EU has used human rights clauses as conditions in their trade agreements. In this thesis I will examine how these clauses has been utilized in agreements with Mexico, Morocco and Peru, how they differ from each other and furthermore study the effects that these may have had on the human rights situation in the countries.

For the first part of my thesis I compared the content and the terms of clauses with each other, and the result was that they were quite similar but some important differences. In Mexico's agreement, there was an article which stipulated what cooperation on human rights should look like. In Peru's agreement, there was a section on labor rights. But besides that, it was the Universal declaration of human rights that all the clauses were based on.

The second part of the thesis is to understand the impact that these agreements may have had on the different countries. The study showed that some improvements have been made, but they have been slow. From the material it could be deduced that there have been more improvements in Peru and Morocco than in Mexico. In the final step of my study, I wanted to link the results to a Press Freedom Index from Reporters Without Borders. This was to get a final indicator on the human rights situation. From the index it’s clear that the situation has not improved in Mexico, while it seems to have stagnated in Morocco and Peru.

This study considers international norms of indigenous right to land and compares them to Swedish law and preparatory works. In a Swedish context Samí land use, typically reindeer herding, is under increased pressure from mining, forestry and other extractions of natural resources. According to this study, the international norms are clear: there are customary rights to culture, encompassing land, and rights to consultation. There are also established rights to ownership of traditional lands and natural resources. There are disputes as to the strength of these rights but they can be considered international norms to different degrees. Furthermore, there are procedural requirements such as importance of customs and eased burden of proof. 

These international norms are considered to a low degree in Swedish law. The only traces found are rights to culture, encompassing land rights, and reindeer herding rights, an expression of land rights. These rights are not implemented in relevant legislation. Critical Race Theory explains a lot: the importance of ethnicity and racism and their connection to power emerges clearly. The state has constructed the majority view of the Samí and distributed rights accordingly. Preparatory work underlines how difficult a task it is to define land rights. The law is allowed to remain indeterminate, a disadvantage for the Samí. When rights are adjudicated by the Supreme Court the meaning is weakened. At the bottom line is a colonial view which aids commercial interests. 

Purpose: The overarching purpose of this research paper is to broaden the understanding of the rehabilitation and reintegration of trafficking victims by illustrating and explaining common rehabilitation and reintegration processes of Burmese trafficking victims, girls and women, in Yangon, Myanmar. As part of that overarching purpose, this paper also aims to analyse how and if the victims’ human rights are being properly upheld. The paper highlights the problem of the state’s actions of upholding human security and the right to possess protection against modern slavery, with specific focus on trafficked girls or women as right holders and the state (in this case Myanmar) together with non-state responsibility-holders as duty bearers.

Method: The paper is based on data derived from a field study, with the empirical material gathered through walk-along at a trafficking shelter and semi-structured interviews with several NGOs, IGOs and other actors and in Yangon, Myanmar.

Analysis: In Myanmar there is a lack of shelter space and not enough focus on the long-lasting impact of trauma in a trafficked person's life. A majority of trafficking victims that escape from trafficking situations are placed in shelters operated by the Department of Social Welfare (DSW-shelters) for a few days before being repatriated to their families and/or home community. This method, i.e., the repatriation of victims to their respective home community, is cost efficient, but not always in the best interest of the victims as it increases the risk of re-trafficking. Some victims are offered help from reintegration programs where vocational training is a common component, but little other effort is made to rehabilitate the victim from their psychological trauma. Many victims that seek restorative justice within the court system do not enjoy a fair trial, as procedures are unclear, and corruption is common amongst both judges and prosecutors. The lack of restorative justice is another factor that hinders the victims rehabilitating from their trauma as it decreases the chance to fully reintegrating the victims into society on a long-term basis. Finally, the enforcement of anti-trafficking laws is weakened by the fact that the Myanmar Anti-Trafficking Police Force is understaffed, undereducated and overworked. 

The practice of "kidfluencing," or using children as social media influencers to promote commercial products and services, raises ethical concerns about the commodification of childhood, them being viewed as products, and their rights falling between the gaps. This essay critically examines the moral dilemmas and challenges in regulating kidfluencing practices from a Kantian and virtue ethics perspective, analyzing the implications of commodifying childhood and the potential harm it can cause. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is used as a framework for evaluating the moral interests of children in the context of kidfluencing practices. Arguments for and against regulating kidfluencing practices and the challenges and dilemmas in achieving effective and consistent regulation are presented. The essay concludes with a summary acknowledging the limitations and the need for further research.

The concept of dignity is a central notion in elderly care in Sweden. The aim of this essay is to show how “dignity” and “worth” is defined by authorities and in law - and how this is translated into practice. In Swedish law, there are specific guidelines for the elderly and there are also laws that are more general, and meant to include the elderly without specifically mentioning age, and this essay will examine what these say on the matter. Protecting and promoting the rights of elderly is an important part of ensuring fundamental human rights. Elderly people have the right to participation and a dignified life. According to the National Board of Health and Welfare, about twenty percent of Sweden's population are 65 years or older, yet their position in society is weak. Life in nursing homes are in many ways governed by routines and carers who have a natural power position over them. This position is not something they can easily challenge, because of the circumstances that surround them – by law, caregivers, relatives and their surroundings. There are a few common themes that also challenge the elders worth and dignity: consent, time, routines, staff shortage, authority and force, and this essay examines their relation to the mentioned key terms – and what this means for the elderly.

Young women have testified about how they feel forced to agree to hard sex that leaves them with pain and injuries. The aim of this study is to examine if there is a link between pornography and violence in adolescents’ intimate relationships. By using a theory that conducts that pornography consumers develops a sexual callousness, this study has analyzed materials selected through a coding process to answer the research questions and achieve the purpose of the study. A certain connection between pornography and violence was found as adolescents tend to use pornography as a way to get inspired and to learn about sex. When mainstream pornography contains violence and when school offer inadequate sex education, pornography sends out a one-sided depiction of sex that isn’t questioned or challenged. The author reached the conclusion that adolescents today are affected by pornography in a different way than older generations, because of how easily accessible internet pornography is today and because of how pornography has been normalized through media and therefor turned more hardcore. Further studies are considered necessary in order to investigate how the consequences of pornography can be prevented among adolescents, and measures has to be taken to educate teachers in order to give children and adolescents adequate sex education.

Sextortion is a gendered form of corruption that takes place when those trusted with power abuse it, to sexually take advantage of those dependent on that power. This type of crime has long been anonymous but it is gaining importance through reports, studies and awareness actions by well-known international organizations. 

The purpose of this study was to review sextortion from a corruption point of view. As well as to examine if sextortion has been integrated in Sida’s anticorruption agenda and map efficient actions against sextortion. 

By conducting a literature study and interviews, it has been possible to create a comprehensive description of its challenges. A feminist approach in combination with intersectionality helped to visualize how sextortion is trivialized and attributed as normalized and institutionalized in some parts of the world. 

The term sextortion is associated with several meanings that make unambiguous acceptance difficult. In the same way, it is difficult to identify sextortion in Sida's anti-corruption plan in spite of their commitment to fight sextortion. On the bright side, Jammu and Kashmir became in 2018 the first state in India to criminalize sextortion against women and sextortion has been included in the Global Corruption Barometer 2019 for LAC and MENA. 

To conclude, the best option is to incorporate sextortion under anti-corruption laws. Where there is an abuse of power and an undue advantage, should be enough to invoke the law.

This paper delves into the significance of land disposal to indigenous rights and Settler-Colonies. Specifically, it examines land use regulations for forestry management and Forest Sami villages. Through interviews with practicing forest reindeer herders, it has been revealed that forestry practices in Sweden have dramatically altered the landscape, posing significant challenges to the continuation of reindeer herding. In the context of Settler-Colonialism, the analysis of these findings shows that land use regulations align with the "logic of elimination," which seeks to remove the native population to secure settlers’ access to land.

How we talk about climate is almost as important as how we deal with it. How we choose our words, what tactics we use to persuade each other and how we get our points across, it will all influence the choices we make to adapt, mitigate and set rules for dealing with climate change. In the summer of 2019 special rapporteur Philip Alston released his report on climate change and poverty. The report came at around the same time as the newsfeed was filled with images of California’s wildfires burning down neighbourhood after neighbourhood. But the discussion soon turned to debates regarding the use of private firemen to protect the houses of the rich and famous, in other words: the privatization of basic services. In his report Alston warns us about a scenario where the rich can pay their way to safety and the poor must face the consequences of climate change, he named the scenario climate apartheid. The purpose of this essay is to understand what Philip Alston means when he warns of an impending climate apartheid scenario and understand what consequences he sees. The method used to make the study is a critical rhetoric analysis, I have studied the rhetorical strategies Alston have used to try to persuade his readers. I have also used the theory of Yueng Foong Khong of analogies of war to try to understand the analogy of climate apartheid. What is said about climate apartheid is that it threatens the lives and rights of millions of people and it is of most importance that a strong and swift global cooperation is needed to save ourselves and protect the most vulnerable.

Climate colonialism is a form of neo-colonialism that turns climate actions into colonial behaviour, this is especially true when the focus is on indigenous peoples. The republic of Marshall Islands is under threat of disappearing because of climate change and even though they want to fight it the United States prefer that they be removed from their homelands. In the Oaxaca region of Mexico, the native population are manipulated or forced to move from their lands because of the growing wind power industry and in Sweden the state has given a questionable greenlight to a company to start building a mine in the middle of the sami-landscape. This thesis argues that all these situations are a form of climate colonialism and follows the theory of neo-colonialism to understand how climate colonialism functions.

This article explores the diplomatic contestations over children’s rights in connection to the International Year of the Child (iyc) of 1979. At the time, the Year was celebrated as an outstanding success, an event which helped to heighten social and political awareness of the status of children in both developing and industrialized countries, and which brought to light a plethora of new global issues, including street children, children with disabilities and children in armed conflict. Today, the iyc is frequently reduced to a plotting point in histories charting the rise of an international discourse of children’s rights, a discourse that is intimately linked to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989. This article shows how the concept of children’s rights was of peripheral importance to the overarching purposes of the iyc, which instead revolved around a notion of child welfare as integral to wider projects of social and economic development, either in the form of economic sovereignty or basic needs. The article then revisits the 1978–1979 UN debates on a human rights treaty for children, showing how this project initially garnered minimal support among states, international agencies and non-state actors. The article thus takes issue with teleological accounts that see the iyc primarily as a first step toward the subsequent breakthrough of children’s human rights. It also showcases how historical case studies of UN observances can be fruitful for scholars interested in the clashes and amalgamations of competing concepts and projects at an international level.

Det här kapitlet fokuserar på FN:s råd för mänskliga rättigheter (MR-rådet). Mer specifikt handlar det om vilka förväntningar som är rimliga att ställa på internationella politiska organ för främjande av mänskliga rättigheter. Efter en analys av den kritik som riktats mot MR-rådet från olika människorättsorganisationer, lyfter kapitlet en rad övergripande frågor om hur internationella organisationer kan arbeta för den faktiska efterlevnaden av mänskliga rättigheter. MR-rådet har precis som sin föregångare (FN:s kommission för mänskliga rättigheter) kritiserats för sin “politisering” av människorättsfrågor samt för sin selektiva användning av fördömande resolutioner. Som kapitlet visar bottnar den här kritiken i föreställningar om att mänskliga rättigheter i grund och botten skulle vara “opolitiska” frågor, samt att kritiska uttalanden från internationella organisationer är viktiga steg mot ökad efterlevnad. Kapitlet avslutas med att plädera för att det stora värdet med FN:s arbete med mänskliga rättigheter består i att förse individer och lokala rörelser med ett brokigt normativt ramverk, som i många fall visat sig vara ett gångbart redskap för att utmana sociala och politiska orättvisor. Att det internationella systemet för mänskliga rättigheter inte “fungerar” är därför inget direkt hot mot mänskliga rättigheter som redskap för politisk förändring.

The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) remains the most widely ratified international treaty on human rights. Since its completion in 1989, it has come to be seen as an authoritative statement on the human rights of children. Yet historians of human rights have so far paid little attention to the making of this document. This essay argues that the child rights convention – much like other treaties on the rights of specific groups – is of interest to historians, and not just because it recognized children as subjects of human rights. Many of the convention’s articles also challenged traditional boundaries between human rights and other areas of international law and policy. The essay examines in depth the debates surrounding the child rights convention’s Article 38 on children in armed conflict, a clause that has been widely discussed among human rights and child rights scholars because it failed to offer a strict age limit of 18 years for military recruitment and participation. What is rarely noted, however, is that Article 38 also marked the first time that a human rights treaty made a direct reference to humanitarian law, which in effect threw into question the conventional view that human rights law should not regulate the conduct of warfare. This essay illuminates in new ways the relationship between human rights and international humanitarian law.

Vi lever i en tid då tankar om samvete och samvetsfrihet syns allt oftare i svensk offentlighet i rikspolitiken, på tidningarnas ledarsidor och i sociala medier. Historiskt sett har de båda begreppen använts för att markera en viss mån av frihet eller en skyddad position i moraliska, politiska och rättsliga konflikter.

Hänvisningar till en enskild människas samvete och skillnader mellan en inre och en yttre domstol har kunnat legitimera befrielse från religiösa och statliga tvångsmekanismer och motiverat exempelvis vapen- eller abortvägran.

En grupp forskare i historia, mänskliga rättigheter, rätts-vetenskap, etik och religionssociologi tar här ett gemensamt grepp om några av de mest brännande konflikterna kring samvete och samvetsfrihet i Sverige från medeltiden till idag. Fram träder en bild av komplexa och motspänstiga begrepp som även idag bär påtagliga spår av äldre distinktioner och historiska konfliktsammanhang. 

The Swedish government has in national action plans and development cooperation pointed out the importance of relizing human rights at the municipal level. One of the municipality`s areas of responsibility is to attain a social service based on principals of democracy and solidarity. In addition, the social worker must apply national legislation, international human rights commitments and a user- or client perspective. The main purpose of the study is to investigate the importance of employees in the realization of human rights in the activities of social services. The study is based on interviews with employees in the social services.

The results of the study are analyzed on the basis of theories regarding democracy, law enforcement and social work. The results show that the social workers in the exercise of authority need to apply different perspectives that are sometimes contradictory. The result indicates that the power to realize human rights in the social services is divided between structural factors and factors that have to do with the individual social worker. 

The purpose of this study was to examine voluntary organizations' perceptions of the newsexual offenses legislation, the so-called consent law, as well as their experiences andperceptions of attitudes and norms linked to women's sexual integrity and self-determination.The study aims to highlight the effectiveness of the consent law to have a normative effect andchange harmful attitudes and norms in society around women's bodies. To investigate this, aqualitative study was used where semi-structured interviews were conducted with participantsfrom various voluntary organizations. The study concluded that the consent law to some extenthad the normative effect that was hoped for, at least as far as can be seen at present. The studyalso showed that the preventive work and dissemination of knowledge is an important part oftrying to change the harmful attitudes and norms in the society, partly because the legislationshould work to the maximum and partly because the legislation itself cannot eliminate sexualabuse. However, legislation is necessary and an important step towards a society without sexualabuse and where women's bodies are not objectified. 

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how, what dr. Aguayo call activistic documentary film and what is by many scholars defined as human rights film has been used in advocacy for human rights in Sweden during the 21th century. This paper includes case studies of five Swedish documentary films, divided into three case studies. The films are Push ( 2019 ), My life my lesson (2014), Say Something ( 2015), Bananas!* ( 2009) and Big Boys Gone Bananas!* (2011), which all could be defined as activistic documentaries and human rights film. This paper will also investigate the pros and inherent problems of using these kinds of films as a methid of advocacy for human rights.

Aim: This study aims to analyze four strategies consumers use in order to avoid responsibility concerning the impact one’s clothing consumption can have on human rights. The purpose is to investigate whether the clothing industry contributes, or does not contribute, to human rights. Furthermore the aim is to analyze how these established arguments are justifiable in relation to a theory of moral responsibility.

Methodology: This study includes a descriptive and normative argumentation analysis. The data that has been collected for this study mainly consists of various scientific reports from independent sources, reports from diverse human rights organizations and also sustainability reports from a few chosen clothing companies between the years 2015–2019. The chosen clothing companies included in this study were selected as being the largest within the fashion industry.

Findings and conclusion: The results of this study are based on four pro-arguments and four contra-arguments which, respectively, are presented. The pro-argumentation supports the thesis that the clothing industry contributes to human rights whereas the counter argumentation undermines the thesis of the study. The facts presented in each argument successfully either support or undermine the thesis and therefore provide with the interpretation that there can be noted connections, as well as lack of connections, between the clothing industry and human rights. The conclusions presented from the analysis show that it is possible for consumers to use the described four strategies in order to avoid responsibility.

This study aims to investigate what accessibility looks like in the city of Stockholm from wheelchair users and from a human rights perspective. The study also aims to shed light on how the Traffic Office in Stockholm works with accessibility. I have chosen to do a qualitive study where the empirical data was obtained from three different source materials. Partly via individual semi-structured interviews with the Traffic Office and with three wheelchair users who live in the city of Stockholm. Partly via two participant observations with a wheelchair user. Finally, from the swedish handbook Stockholm - en stad för alla (2008), written by the Traffic Office, which is based on laws and guidelines of how to make an environment useful for people with disabilities. The study shows that there are environmental barriers for people with disabilities in Stockholm. These can be lack of architectural structures (e.g. ramps, elevators), obstacles in the environment as well as inaccessible buildings. The study also shows that the functioning body as a norm is constantly present and much in our society is adapted accordingly. Based on Crip-theory, the study focuses on wheelchair users perspectives and their experiences of when their disability in relation to the environment becomes a functional limitation. 

Våren 2019 inkom det motioner till Svenska Riksdagen angående förslag gällande införandet av lagstiftning om obligatorisk vaccination. Utifrån detta kommer uppsatsen genom en fiktiv argumentationsanalys behandla ämnet ur ett rättighetsperspektiv, med fokus på tre rättigheter; rätten till hälsa, rätten till kroppslig integritet samt rätten till utbildning. Argumenten i de två olika kapitlen utgår från svensk lagstiftning samt internationella fördrag, såsom mänskliga rättigheter och Europeiska unionens stadgar. Uppsatsen besvarar även i argumentationen frågeställningar om varför obligatorisk vaccination bör vara en mänsklig skyldighet enligt rätten till hälsa samt vilka mänskliga rättigheter en lagstiftning om obligatorisk vaccination bryter mot. Syftet med uppsatsen är att nå fram till ett översiktligt svar gällande om individuell rätt, såsom kroppslig integritet och utbildning eller allmän folkhälsa bör prioriteras i frågan. Detta undersöks även med hjälp av Marion Youngs teori om den sociala förbindelsens ansvarsmodell, som syftar till att vi är moraliska aktörer som har en moralisk skyldighet till alla människor att minimera lidande. Slutsatserna i uppsatsens sista del visar att uppsatsens tes motbevisas genom argumentationen.

This is a qualitative study based on semi-structured, open interviews with three social workers whose tasks involve taking decisive decisions regarding children. The purpose of the study is to investigate social workers' experiences of the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) into Swedish law and how it affects their work after the incorporation of 2020. The purpose of the incorporation was that all the changes should be in benefit for children's participation. And that the CRC should focus on the workof social workers, with demands and responsibilities. The incorporation has so far proven tobe positive. The social workers have presented various programs and support materials forthe social workers in order to facilitate full use of the Convention on the Rights of the Childin children's investigations. Overall, my findings suggest that the incorporation of CRC into Swedish law has affected social workers' practices due to the fact that children’s human rights are taking a more prominent position.

The question of how "humanitarianism" became possible, and whether humanitarianism is a factor of power in today's world, and possible in the future, is answered against the backdrop of the problem of the world's moral indifference, and the difficulty of mobilizing empathy and commitment to other people's suffering in humanitarian disasters. A genealogical discourse analysis examines historical breakthroughs for humanitarianism, and how humanitarianism relates to human rights, in a moral-philosophical and sociological perspective, in a historical exposition, with the aim of tracing violations and leaps in the development of conditions and possibilities, which enabled the construction of a discourse of humanitarianism. Important prerequisites for humanitarianism to become possible, and the ideas of human rights, are a changed view of man during enlightenment, and her self-understanding, as an "ethical subject", as ground to rights, and that "humanity" was imagined to be a legal community that entails a moral responsibility of universal solidarity. A discourse of humanitarianism has been constructed which has become a factor of power in international politics to meet needs, that it costs to deviate from. A danger to the future is that humanitarianism, as an active protest against the world's suffering, is politicized and abused as a pretext for power ambitions. Whether humanitarianism is possible depends on the social and moral preconditions of international cooperation and idealism, and the belief that human progression is possible, and the attitude: ”We become more fully human via the manner in which we treat our fellows”.

The female education is said to be a vehicle that break the shackes of poverty thereby leading to transformation,development and progress.

An alien who commits a crime with imprisonment in the penalty scale can be expelled from Sweden. In order for deportation to be relevant, the alien must be sentenced to a more severe punishment than a fine. In examining the issue of deportation, the court must also take into account the alien's connection to Swedish society and make an overall assessment where the reasons for and against deportation are weighed against each other. If the alien has resided in Sweden for a longer period of time, special reasons for deportation are required, which provides a very strong protection for the alien. 

The legislation on deportation due to crime is sparsely worded and entails ambiguities in many respects. Examples of ambiguities are which factors get into a recidivism risk assessment when there is no previously documented crime and how the factors in the assessment of an alien's connection to Sweden are to be evaluated. The problem with these ambiguities entails difficulties in predicting the outcome of the overall assessment that the court makes when the reasons for and against deportation are weighed against each other. It is reasonable to assume that the ambiguities can also lead to equal cases not being treated equally as the court is given a great deal of room for interpretation in its overall assessment. From a legal security perspective, these circumstances are problematic as legal security is largely based on the law being predictable. In order to remedy the problem, the legislator must take a clearer position and dare to legislate on the issues.

Keywords: Alien, crime, deportation, severe punishment, legislation.

Mandatory Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) - hit or miss? And how is CSRinterlinked with Human Rights and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)? India became the first country in the world to write Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) intolegislation, in April 2014, making it mandatory for companies to invest in sustainable development programs and activities. Even though this may sound great, India's business leaders are doubtful. India has a long tradition in the field of Human Rights and CSR and in line with that tradition, India is also committed to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), after signing the Agenda 2030 in 2015 which came into force at the beginning of 2016. (2021:UN in India). Historically, Human Rights have been deeply embedded in the Indian culture and religious belief systems to such an extent that many of the articles already existed or have been legislated or incorporatedinto national law, when the international declarations, conventions, and treaties were formed. CSR was also historically philanthropy deeply rooted in religious belief in the 1800s. Social Business practices inthe 1900s took a different form of philanthropic donations to charity, service to the community, enhancing employee welfare, and promoting religious conduct. The concept of CSR has then evolved from being regarded as damaging to a company’s profitability, to being considered as beneficial to the company as a whole, at least if done right. This essay aims to analyze the CSR status in India and focuses on finding, describing, and explaining the issues and challenges faced in India today through a human rights lens. How are Human Rights and the SDGs in India and Indian companies' relationship with CSR interlinked and which are the main factors that need to be taken into consideration by foreign companies, when investing in India and making partnerships with Indian companies, without unintentionally breaking laws or violating human rights? There is a trend of studies on CSR out there in the world, but very few have looked at the correlation to Human Rights and the Indian mandatory aspect of CSR and how it's working. Human Rights plays an important part in CSR activities in India as well as the SDGs, which include both social and environmental sustainability. This mix may look complex at first sight, but the concepts are all intertwined and may enhance each other. Respect for Human Rights or reaching the SDGs are good but not good enough if not complied with or verified. And to make that happen businesses and not only States need to review both the social and the ecological criteria as well as the due diligence process and the related assessment and compliance verification requirements to make sure they are on track. This essay will also point to important factors that need to be addressed and hopefully be very helpful in this aspect.

The aim of this study was to examine whether children’s rights in deciding on compulsory care (LVU) could be fulfilled by prevailing Swedish legislation, taking into account the principle of the childs best interest. The focus of the study was to explore how the principle of the best interest of the child is considered in decisions on compulsory care. This was done by examining the child’s right to be heard during the court process and if the childs opinions and will is taken into account when deciding on LVU. I used a legal dogmatic method to analyze the U.N. convention of the rights of the child (article 3 and article 12) as well as the Swedish law sections LVU, SoL and FB. This study was based on a case study with eight compulsory care cases settled in the Swedish ”Kammarrätt”. All reviewed cases were in accordance to 2 § LVU and the age criteria for the children was between ten to fourteen years old. The result has given an insight in the different ways a child is heared during court process, some children got to express their opinions themselves and some children ́s opinions were expressed through their representative or the social welfare board ́s investigation. The children ́s opinion and their will was noted to a degree in most cases,while in some cases the children ́s opionions and will (especially siblings) was contradictory, the court had to base their judgments on what was considered to be the best interests of the child.

In July 2021 a new penal provision on violation of a child's integrity, was introduced in the Swedish legal system. The penalty provision is found in Chapter 4 of the Penal Code. It entails a special criminal responsibility for a person who commits a criminal act against a person close to them, when the act is witnessed by a child. Children who witness domestic violence or other criminal acts between parents or persons close to them are a particular vulnerable group. These children often lack criminal law 1 protection. The new provision on violation of a child's integrity has mostly been well received. The child who witnessed the criminal act will now be a plaintiff with the right to his own special legal representative. There will be a chance that the new provision will strengthen the child's right under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This specifically concerns Article 12 the child's right to be heard. Even so there seems to be several difficulties with the provision in the law enforcement. This essay will explore some of these difficulties.

China's relations with African states have attracted much attention in recent years. Between the 1990s and today, China has developed into one of the most important players in the world system. During this period China has also grown to be the largest trading partner for all African states. There are diverging opinions as to whether China, in pursuit of natural resources, is taking advantage of the need for investments and infrastructure in African states, or if they are enabling possibilities of realistic and equitable development in African states. This study examines the compatibility of Sino-African trade with African guidelines for pan-African ownership, sustainable development, and human rights, by analyzing the African Union Agenda 2063 and the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights.

This paper will strive to obtain an understanding for sex trafficking in India, underlying reasons for it and solutions to it. The study includes a case study of STOP, an organization working against sex trafficking in India. The main objective being to study what, according to an organization working with the issue, is the best course of action when working towards combating sex trafficking in India; what factors STOP believe contributes towards sex trafficking, how to help the victims of sex trafficking, challenges they experience in their work and what they believe are the solution to ending sex trafficking in India. STOP has been active in India since 1990, working towards combating sex trafficking och rehabilitating survivors.The reason for focusing on sex trafficking as a human rights issue can easily be shown in the staggering numbers surrounding it:According to the 2017 report conducted by the International Labor Organization (ILO) there was an estimated 24.9 million people trapped in modern slavery. 4.8 were victims of trafficking. Women and girls make up 71 percent of the victims, the number of children below the age of 18 is estimated to be 5.5 million. The largest number of trafficking can be found in the Asia-pacific region with 62% of the cases or 15.4 million victims. The profit made from human trafficking globally is estimated to be around 150 billion dollars a year for the trafficker, this according to an ILO report from 2014. Sex trafficking stands for 99 billion dollars. In stark contrast to the staggering numbers of victims and profits made from sex trafficking, are the cases of prosecutions and convictions. In the year 2016, 14,894 prosecutions took place globally with 9,071 convictions. In South and Central Asia there were 14,706 victims identified, 6,297 prosecutions and 2,193 convictions (Human rights first, 2017).The numbers are staggering and the act of sex trafficking is one of the greatest crimes against human rights today. The modern term for slavery, it is a crime that strikes against the most basic of human rights. Still it is a multi-million industry that is spread around the world, with India being a particularly affected country. What is done to stop it and what is the best way of working towards stopping it? That is something that will be discussed in this thesis.

The purpose of of this thesis has been to clarify the promotion of health by inter alia improving socio-economic conditions for persons with disabilities investigating three human rights conventions and one of the Swedish Constitutional Laws through Qualitative Content Analysis.

The human rights conventions are the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the Convention on theRrights of the Child and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. 

The purpose has also been to explore the possibilities of designing a checklist that can be used to ensure the compliance with international agreements on human rights in relation to the health of persons with disabilities in relevant documents, such as state law and guidelines. 

The main results shows that the international agreements on human rights are sufficent to ensure persons with disabilities a life of self determination. It also becomes evident that health and human rights have much in common, and that these disciplines could develop a deeper underständing of the relationship between compliance of human rights and health to the benefit of persons with disabilities.

This essay examines the implementation of the Swedish government's Action Plan on Business and Human Rights by two Swedish companies. The study is conducted using a qualitative method in combination with a comparative approach. The data analyzed consists of the UN's Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the Swedish government's Action Plan on Business and Human Rights from 2015, and the Swedish legal framework on business including human rights in there sustainability report. The study also looks at the government's follow-up of the Action Plan to determine if the measures taken had any effect. The study does not take into account any new developments in the issue presented by the current government. The study finds that the two companies have implemented some of the recommendations made in the Action Plan, but not all. The analysis shows that the companies' reporting on human rights is inadequate and not in line with the Action Plan's requirements. The study concludes that more needs to be done by companies to ensure the respect for human rights and the implementation of the Action Plan.

This thesis will investigate The Norwegian state and state-owned businesses positive obligations to fulfill the protection of equality and non-discrimination under international and regional jurisdiction. Particularly, women rights in general and women of ethnic minority’s rights. A positive critical legal method, based on a feminist theory, will be used to analyze the United Nation, European and Norwegian regulations. To illustrate the laws in practice the thesis will look at court decisions from both European Court Justice (ECJ), Norwegian Gender Equality Tribunal and The Norwegian Supreme Court. Even though the regulations exist, there is still a problem with respecting women’s rights in Norwegian society in general and in labour market. What is interesting to investigate is therefore the reason behind the disrespect, and to look for sustainable opportunities to include women’s experiences in the traditional jurisdiction. The conclusion is that there is space for implementation of women’s rights in human rights, and a transformation of the existing traditional legal system to “engender” the “mainstream” legal system is in place.

The following thesis looks at the phenomena of arbitrary power and surveillance and how they manoeuvre both independently of one another but also simultaneously, to pose a threat to democracy, freedom and subsequently, human rights. The subtle, almost underhanded characteristics of both are explored to reveal the modus operandi of those who wish to reap the benefits of arbitrary power and surveillance. The result of such motives is the diminishing of democracy, a threat to freedom and the violation of human rights.