Syftet med denna rapport är att: (a) redogöra för vilka elever som deltog i skolvalet 2010, (b) samt undersöka huruvida deltagandet i skolvalet har någon effekt på ungas intresse för politik/samhällsfrågor, politiska diskussioner med föräldrar och vänner, intention att rösta i framtida val samt politiskt deltagande. För denna undersökning används först och främst enkätdata från Political socialization Project (PSP); en pågående longitudinell studie som undersöker framväxten av unga människors politiska attityder och engagemang (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr & Stattin, 2009). Analyserna i denna rapport omfattar endast elever i PSP-studien vars skola anmält till Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor att de genomfört skolval. Totalt omfattar de analyser som denna rapport baseras på 3 högstadieskolor och 3 gymnasieskolor vilket sammantaget blir 860 elever.

Syftet med denna rapport är att: (a) redogöra för vilka elever som deltog i skolvalet 2010, (b) samt undersöka huruvida deltagandet i skolvalet har någon effekt på ungas intresse för politik/samhällsfrågor, politiska diskussioner med föräldrar och vänner, intention att rösta i framtida val samt politiskt deltagande. För denna undersökning används först och främst enkätdata från Political socialization Project (PSP); en pågående longitudinell studie som undersöker framväxten av unga människors politiska attityder och engagemang (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr & Stattin, 2009). Analyserna i denna rapport omfattar endast elever i PSP-studien vars skola anmält till Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor att de genomfört skolval. Totalt omfattar de analyser som denna rapport baseras på 3 högstadieskolor och 3 gymnasieskolor vilket sammantaget blir 860 elever.

Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.

Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.

This study examines the relationship between citizens' satisfaction with government COVID-19 communication and management (SWCCM) and institutional trust. By employing a longitudinal approach, using three-wave panel data from Sweden from 2020 to 2022, the study addresses the current lack of research on the interplay between SWCCM and institutional trust across different stages of a societal crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. The results show that SWCCM increased slightly over the pandemic period, while trust in institutions slightly decreased. The study also finds that changes in SWCCM predict changes in trust in institutions, suggesting that increased satisfaction with communication and management is associated with increased trust in institutions. Additionally, we find that higher initial levels of SWCCM contribute to a faster decline in trust over time. However, no evidence supports the idea that initial trust in institutions predicts changes in SWCCM. This suggests a unidirectional relationship where SWCCM is a key driver of institutional trust during a crisis. Overall, the study uncovers intriguing dynamics in the relationship between SWCCM and trust over time, and it emphasizes the significance of effective and consistent communication and management in maintaining and boosting public trust during crisis.

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media and so on) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters and so on) are required for a relationship to emerge.

Past research has shown that, whereas the majority of people in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some citizens are dissatisfied with the democratic institutions and the way democracy performs. In this paper, we examined democratic characteristics of dissatisfied youths to understand the role they play in the democratic functioning of a society. Based on youth’s dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, we identified four groups distinct of citizens. Then, we compared these groups in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and law breaking attitudes. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the laws, even if people got hurt compared to other three groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and have higher humanistic values and tolerance towards immigrants. By examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, the current study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

Past research has shown that, although a majority of citizens in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some tend to be distrustful of democratic institutions and express dissatisfaction with the way democracy works. It is argued in this article that to better understand the role of various groups of dissatisfied citizens in the democratic functioning of a society, one should examine their democratic characteristics. Based on youth's dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, four distinct groups of citizens are identified. These groups are then compared in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and disposition to break the law. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the law, even if people got hurt compared with other groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and had higher tolerance towards immigrants, and political interest and knowledge. They were also more likely, peacefully and without harming other people, to break the law to change society. Overall, by examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, this study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

Past research has shown that, although a majority of citizens in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some tend to be distrustful of democratic institutions and express dissatisfaction with the way democracy works. It is argued in this article that to better understand the role of various groups of dissatisfied citizens in the democratic functioning of a society, one should examine their democratic characteristics. Based on youth's dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, four distinct groups of citizens are identified. These groups are then compared in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and disposition to break the law. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the law, even if people got hurt compared with other groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and had higher tolerance towards immigrants, and political interest and knowledge. They were also more likely, peacefully and without harming other people, to break the law to change society. Overall, by examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, this study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

In September 2015, the United Nations General Assembly adopted A/RES/70/1, 2015, a resolution that entails 17 integrative and indivisible UN Sustainable Development Goals, by the name of 2030 Agenda, a plan of action that calls for the transformation of the world to ecologically, economically and socially sustainable planet where peace and prosperity endure. With its indivisibility and universality characteristics, the Agenda puzzled the world states, demanding a new form of governance style for its realization.

With the use of qualitative research methodology, this thesis, therefore, examines how the Agenda's policies are coordinated by the Swedish Government Agencies and what activities and mechanisms they use to integrate the Agenda' policies into their daily operational activities.

Through collaborative governance and sociological institutionalism theoretical lens, results show that Government agencies use several mechanisms such as collaboration, dissemination of knowledge, leadership and communications to enhance the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Sweden. Nevertheless, some challenges hinder the agencies from working with the Agenda on a full scale, that if addressed properly, it could have improved the current conditions.

According to The Economist Democracy Index, Tunisia was at 2.79 during 2010 and by the end of 2011 they had climbed up to 5.53. Therefore Tunisia entered a new category, called hybrid regime. This was a step closer to a more democratic regime. Rustow Dankwart, Shain Yossi and Linz J. Juan would say that the interim government and the political actors within it had a significant impact on Tunisias increase in democracy index. Therefore the aim of this study took the shape of a theory consuming case study. The purpose of the study was to analyze the political actors and the interim government importance during the Tunisian democratic transition, with the delimitation to the year 2011. The results firstly showed us the categorization hardliners within the authoritarian coalition in combination with radicals in the oppositional coalition. During the second interim government the categorization changes from hardliners to softliners. During the third, we see a glint of moderates within the opposition. Secondly, the results showed us that there is evidence of an opposition-led, power-sharing and incumbent-led caretaker regime in Tunisia. The study discusses two conclusions about political actors during the transition. Firstly, the importance of radicals within the opposition and secondly the importance of the authoritarian coalition changing from hardliners to softliners, which allowed the country to transition. Within the categorization of the interim government we have come to the conclusion that the opposition-led government played a significant role in the Tunisian transition.

Somalia has been in civil war since the demise of the Somali government in 1991. Somalia is a post-conflict country which strives for consolidating peace and stability. Clan- based politics has governed Somalia since the Transitional National Government (TNG) approved that the 4.5 formula is the only suitable power sharing mechanism for Somalis in order to reconstruct the country. This thesis analyses the attitude of the Somali federal government and member states workers towards the abolishment of the 4.5 formula. Power sharing and social exclusion theories with a qualitative thematic analysis will be applied to the thesis in order to depict and interpret the findings of the research. The research is exploratory research and interviewing the government workers at the federal and state level will be primary data ofthe research. A semi-structured interview method will be deployed in the research. 

The purpose of this study is to acquire a profound understanding of the current criminal policy through an analysis of the political parties in the Swedish Parliament, namely the Social Democrats, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals, the Center Party, the Left Party, and the Green Party. The focus lies on the parties' perspectives on crime and how these perspectives can be explained within the theoretical framework comprising strain theory and rational choice theory. Additionally, the aim is to identify the differences in their views. This will be accomplished through a qualitative text analysis, specifically employing a self-developed analytical framework based on these two theories. The development of this analytical framework stemmed from the need to efficiently work with the countless amount of text presented in each party's election manifesto. By utilizing the analytical framework, the emphasis was placed on causes and measures. In other words, how do the parties explain the causes of crime, what measures are proposed, and how can these causes and measures be linked to the respective strain theory or rational choice theory? The results of this study reveal intriguing differences concerning causes and measures. While the majority of the parties' explanations of crime align more closely with strain theory, the majority of their proposed measures bear closer resemblance to rational choice theory. This finding is supported by previous research in the field, which has observed a political shift regarding attitudes towards crime. There has been a transition from a social liberal perspective to a more restrictive perspective on criminality, characterized by a shift in focus from the victim to the offender.

This thesis presents a comparative policy analysis of primary education curricula in Norway and Sweden, focussing on how centralised and decentralised governance models shape educational policies by looking into the primary education curricula. Norway’s "Læreplanverket for Kunnskapsløftet 2020" (LK20) represents a centralised system, while Sweden’s "Läroplan 2022" (Lgr22) represents a decentralised system. By employing Descriptive Comparative Policy Analysis (DCPA), this study analyses curriculum structure, flexibility, learning outcomes, assessment guidelines, and values. The findings reveal that while Norway’s centralised governance ensures uniformity and equity all over the country, it may limit local innovation. On the other hand, Sweden’s decentralised model allows for greater local adaptation but risks regional disparities. This study aims to illuminate how governance models impact educational policy, contributing insights for policymakers on balancing national standards with local flexibility.

Under de senaste decennierna har den svenska skolan gått igenom kraftiga förändringar som i sin tur har påverkat lärarprofessionen. Nya styrformer har implementerats som tagit ansatser från New Public Management, mål-och resultatstyrning som är sprunget ur denna styrform har införts och fått fotfäste i hur den svenska skolan skall ledas och styras. Studiens syfte har varit att undersöka hur lärare uppfattar sitt handlingsutrymme samt vilka möjligheter och begränsningar mål-och resultatstyrningen har gett lärares arbetssituation. För att undersöka detta har totalt sju lärare intervjuats. Lärarna undervisar på högstadiet och är verksamma på fem olika skolor, i två kommuner i Västsverige.

För att samla in empirin har en kvalitativ metod använts. Tillvägagångssättet har varit att genomföra semistrukturerade intervjuer med en semistrukturerad intervjuguide till hjälp. För att analysera det empiriska materialet har teorier med utgångspunkt i professionalism, gräsrotsbyråkraten, New Public Management och mål-och resultatstyrning använts. Studiens resultat visar att mål-och resultatstyrning påverkat lärarprofessionen. Respondenterna upplever att de har ett stort handlingsutrymme för att bedöma elevers insatser men poängterar samtidigt svårigheten att bedöma föreskrifter i läroplanen. Resultaten pekar även på att det finns en utbredd acceptans bland respondenterna för utvärderingar och kontroller från externa tillsynsmyndigheter. Vilket befäster föreställningen om läraryrket som en semiprofession bland välfärdsprofessioner.

This thesis aims to compare how U.S. liberal and conservative media frames the whistleblowers Julian Assange and Edward Snowden. The questions we want to answer are, 1. What traits of heroes can be found in U.S. liberal and conservative media? 2. What traits of traitors can be found in U.S. liberal and conservative media? 3. Is there a difference between the U.S. liberal and conservative media’s representation of Assange and Snowden? In order to analyze the liberal and conservative media, the ontology of social constructivism and theories of framing, ideal types and political ideologies will be used. A qualitative comparative analysis will be conducted in order to find traits of our created ideal types, heroes and traitors in the liberal and conservative U.S. media. The analysis will show that there are great differences in how the newspapers frame the whistleblowers Assange and Snowden.

A review written by Dagens Nyheter displays that in Sweden in 2021, patients are allowed to choose a doctor and a dentist based on their ethnicity and skin color. This occurs systematically throughout the country.

The purpose of the thesis is that with the method qualitative case study, Jan Jämte’s general review of racism as a theoretical framework and supporting material on guidelines and laws in the field, analyze whether the case regarding patients being able to choose a doctor and a dentist with only Swedish origin are counted as racism or not. Moreover, the purpose is to analyze which form (s) this case is based on. The thesis’ intention is also to analyze whether the health center and dental care violate ethical guidelines and laws.

This study concludes that this case is a coexistence of purely biological and cultural racism. Moreover, the study concluded that healthcare and dentistry violated both laws and their own ethical guidelines.

Central Asia is a region strategically located on the crossroads of the two continents. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources, represented by oil, gas, coal and hydropower resources.

The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’, an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties.

The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc.

Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between some of the European Union member-states and Central Asian countries is characterised.

The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed.

In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented.

The European Union’s foreign policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the end of every chapter.

Central Asia is a region strategically located at the crossroads of the two continents: Asia and Europe. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources represented by oil, gas, coal and water resources.

The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’,  an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties.

The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc.

Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between the Central Asian states and the European Union Member States actively cooperating with these countries is characterised.

The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed.

In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented.

The European Union’s policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the research.

This study examines the framing of the Ukrainian and Syrian refugees by the Sweden Democrats Party. Using the analytical framework based on theories of European identity and welfare chauvinism, the research investigates how party representatives frame the Ukrainian refugees compared to the Syrian refugees. The study employs qualitative content analysis to explore the discursive strategies used by the Sweden Democrats through the application of Bacchi's "What's the Problem Represented to be?" approach. Through a comparative design, the research identifies patterns in the party's framing of Ukrainian and Syrian refugees, providing an in-depth assessment of the issue. The findings reveal distinct differences in the party's approach towards refugees from two different regions. The Sweden Democrats emphasize a European identity and shared cultural background when discussing Ukrainian refugees, portraying them as deserving of assistance due to their proximity and commonality. The party's stance on refugee policy reflects welfare chauvinism, prioritizing the welfare of native-born Swedes over that of refugees and migrants from both regions: it is noteworthy that the Sweden Democrats' anti-immigration framing remains consistent regardless of the refugee group. The research highlights similarities between the framing of both refugee groups, such as concerns about resource shortages and declining public services. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of the multifaceted nature of refugee challenges and the socio-political context in which they are situated

Despite Sweden's commendable performance in integration policies, as highlighted by the Migration Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) 2020 report, non-European born (NEB) individuals continue to face significant barriers to integrating into the labour market. This thesis presents these challenges, focusing on how labour market policy influences NEB long-term unemployed in Western Sweden integration, and the perceptions for street-level bureaucrats’ role and labour market conditions in impacting the integration process.Designed as a single-case study, this thesis delves into the local context in Western Sweden’s labour market integration for NEB long-term unemployed, providing a nuanced understanding of these issues. The findings suggest that labour market policies can have positive impacts, but their success depends on the consideration of local context. Future research with broader samples and diverse perspectives, including longitudinal studies, is essential to further illuminate these findings.

Residential segregation is a significant problem in most cities around Sweden. Resulting in political, social, and economic exclusion for citizens that live in residential segregated areas. Therefore, the purpose of this bachelor thesis is to create an increased understanding of what residential segregation means and highlight the consequences, and what it entails for citizens in ethnic and socioeconomic segregated areas. An additional purpose of this study is to examine how citizens in residential segregated neighborhoods experience residential segregation, and how inhabitants experience their citizenship in the context to residential segregation. We have also chosen to study how Västerås and Örebro municipalities designed policies contribute to preventing residential segregation. The chosen methodology for this study is qualitative research interviews. We have chosen to do ten semi-structured interviews, five from each neighborhood. This study has been narrowed down to only research citizens who live in Bäckby and Vivalla and are over the age of eighteen. 

The material collected will be analyzed and examined based on the municipal policies and the chosen theories. The chosen theories are citizenship and urban citizenship from Marshall and Bottommore (1992), Ruth Lister (2007), Patricia Burke Wood (2017)  and Gilbert & Phillips  (2003), and residential segregation from the view of Iris Young (1999) and (2002) and Irene Molina (1997). In conclusion, the participants feel that their life opportunities are affected by living in an ethnic-and socioeconomic segregated area, they also express that the opportunities they receive are not equal to people from areas with good conditions. The participants express that their citizenship differs in practice from in theory. An additional conclusion is that the policies were found to be deficient and the municipalities were incapable of not only implementing but also pursuing a strategy, for these reasons, we can not determine if the objectives of the policies were achieved. 

The intention of this essay was to conduct two comparative analytical units called, “Most Similar System Design" (MSSD). The first unit is Somalia and the other is Iraq. The main purpose of the essay is to study deeper in Somalia and Iraq’s democratization process and also to analyse the deference’s between these two countries based on democratization-process. The essay's key questions are: How did Iraq get further into the democratization-process compared to Somalia? Why couldn't Somalia make a successful democratization process like Iraq? The essay is implemented by Dankwart A. Rustows democratization factors. The results indicated that: (i) Somalia failed in its democratization-process, due to the absence of national unity and a rapid transition. One of the main obstacles was Puntland and Somaliland which hindered the national unity of Somalia. (ii) On the other hand, Iraq was different in its democratization- process. With the support of the United States, Iraq achieved great success in the unification of Iraqi civil society the embodiment of smooth transition. (iii) Finally, the conclusion indicates that: national unity, societal norms and a rapid transition were the decisive variables.

This paper analyses how Vision Zero (VZ) efforts in New York City (NYC) account for equity and social justice implications of road safety work. VZ policy documents, research literature, popular science and opinion articles on road safety work in the city were studied with a prime focus on equity and social justice. Twelve semi-structured interviews with stakeholders involved in road safety and transport planning in the city and at national level were conducted to gain an in-depth understanding of policy design, the adoption process, and the role of equity considerations in the city's road safety work. The results show that major equity and social justice issues arise in the adoption and implementation of VZ. These issues are primarily related to equity and fairness in the distribution of life saving interventions, the socio-economic impacts of road safety strategies, and the nature of community engagement in policy design and implementation. The findings point to a need for VZ practitioners to give due considerations to equity and social justice implications of VZ policies and strategies. Among others, it supports the need for understanding the nature of past equity and social justice problems in road safety and transport planning in the VZ policy design process. Moreover, the findings suggest the need for empirical studies on the socio-economic implications of VZ strategies and interventions.

The predicament of rational choice models in politics is seemingly the irrationality of participation in politics activity, in such, by voting. That it is irrational for most of the taxpayers to vote nor to attain education about politics. Some authors propose different approaches to understand why people vote, such as civic duty and civic voluntarism model. This essay examines language barrier and how it affects the voter turnout in Sweden. Furthermore, we observe foreign-born Swedes in Skärholmen region, and ask ourselves:

• Should language deficiency lead to lower division?

• If those with language shortages still vote, what is important to them?

The study shows that people with higher language skills also tend to vote more often than others. And for those who have a lower language skill differs within the group some votes regardless and other abstain. I intend to link my research to existing theories to confront the theories with new empirical knowledge, using a hypothetical-deductive method.

Contributing to the “Covid-19 and the Social Sciences” essay series, Oscar Abedi, Maria Eriksson Baaz, David Mwambari, Swati Parashar, Anju Oseema Maria Toppo, and James Vincent outline various paths toward reducing field research’s potential for exploitation, especially that of Global South collaborators. The pandemic has highlighted inequalities and immobility that differently affect facilitating researchers and contracting researchers. In response, the authors identify key issues that institutions, publishers, and individual researchers must reflect on in order to counteract these imbalances—and take advantage of an opportunity to fundamentally transform field research into collaborative knowledge production.