While early relocation is not makeable, disaster risk reduction seems to be the most effective tool to decrease the impact of a disaster. This case study focuses on three UNDRR frameworks as they appear to be the greatest instance of international documents referring to disaster risk reduction (DRR). Especially, this research examines the representation of women within these frameworks and how their portrayal in DRR has changed over the last two decades. To do so, a critical discourse analysis of the three UNDRR frameworks is conducted. This study benefits from a social vulnerability approach and further engages with the Feminist Political Ecology theory. The analysis finds that even though women are increasingly represented in the frameworks, their roles as active participants remain negligible. Their knowledge and interest are still not recognised as valuable in DRR. Rather, women seem to be employed as tools to include more gender-sensitive programmes. This study recommends a greater and more complex emphasis on women in future DRR policies.

This paper investigates the influence of individual level factors and social capital on fear ofcrime construction amongst citizens and non-citizens in a cross-national context. Regressionanalysis of the European Social Survey (Round 9) demonstrated that the relative importanceof socio-economic individual level factors is stable across countries and consistent withprevious research. Contradictory to theoretical assumptions, only marginal differences in fearof crime levels, social trust levels and attitudes were found when natives and non-nativeswere compared, even when controlling for confounding variables. Furthermore, the researchhighlights and confirms the explanatory power of social trust in explaining differing fear ofcrime levels. The relative importance of environmental factors and shortcomings ofmeasuring fear of crime with a single item indicator are emphasized.

This thesis explores the ethical and legal implications of targeted killing operations employingCombat Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (CUAVs), focusing on the practices of the United Statesand Israel. Grounded in Just War Theory and international law, the research critically examineshow both nations justify these operations under the principles of self-defence and nationalsecurity. Through a comparative analysis of specific case studies, such as the assassinations ofQasem Soleimani and Baha Abu Al Ata, the study highlights the complexities of balancingsecurity imperatives with adherence to international humanitarian and human rights laws. Thefindings reveal significant ethical tensions, particularly concerning the principles ofproportionality, distinction, and the risk of extrajudicial killings. The lack of transparency andaccountability in drone operations further complicates their legitimacy. Additionally, itadvocates for comprehensive policy and legal reforms to enhance oversight and regulation,ensuring compliance with international standards and ethical norms. This research aims tocontribute to the ongoing discourse on modern military practices, urging a more just andaccountable framework for the use of lethal force in contemporary conflicts.

The rise of China as an international and regional power has threatened the unipolar and hegemonic status of the United States (US). US-Sino relations have been further strained by the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and additional securitization of China by the US. This thesis will examine the process of securitization and how differences in ideologies and perceptions play a role in securitizing speech acts made by American elites. Congressional hearings will be analyzed by employing a critical discourse analysis using Fairclough’s three-dimensional model and Hansen’s poststructural securitization theory. Utilizing a theoretical framework based on poststructuralism aids in demonstrating the performative aspect of speech acts and contextualizing the discourse in a historical context. The findings exemplify an escalation of securitizing discourse due to the perceived threat of ideological expansion from China via the BRI. The discourse analyzed also demonstrates how the interior/exterior binary and unequal power relations are reproduced. 

Many scientists and environmental activists argue that the scale and scope of contemporary conservation must increase dramatically if we are to halt biodiversity declines and sustain a healthy planet. Yet conservation as currently practiced has faced significant critique for its reliance on reductionist science, advocacy of "fortress"-like preservation measures that disproportionately harm marginalized communities, and integration into the global capitalist system that is the root cause of environmental degradation. The contributions to this special issue, developed from a panel at the Anthropology and Conservation conference co-hosted by the Royal Anthropological Institute and the Society of Ethnobiology in October 2021, collectively argue for what we, borrowing from Gibson-Graham's diverse economies framework, call "doing conservation differently." By bringing marginalized, hidden, and alternative conservation activities to light, researchers can contribute, in the spirit of Gibson-Graham's work, to making these diverse conservations more real and credible as objects of policy and activism. This special issue contributes to inventorying the diverse conservations that already exist, which opens new spaces for ethical intervention and collective action.

This thesis is intended to investigate, analyse and problematise the complex roles of legal discourse and media representations of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) in constructing public perceptions and fragmented understandings of CSA in the UK. By employing Fairclough's model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and drawing upon Michel Foucault's four sources of knowledge and power alongside Chris Jenks conceptualisations of the Apollonian and Dionysian concepts, this research examines the role of language and social understandings in constructing and influencing public perceptions of CSA. The findings suggest a discursive construction of CSA and CSA victims as inhabiting modern societal ideologies of childhood perpetuated with underlining power dynamics resulting from discourse. The concluding remark is that there is an imperative for better media representations of victims as well as enhanced victim-centred approaches.

In the field of environmental migration studies, research on social consequences of  development projects has received limited attention. The study highlights the rise of “green grabbing,” e.g., the appropriation of land in the name of climate change mitigation. While there is existing research on the environmental and economic effects of green grabbing, its influence on migration outcomes remains understudied. To address this research gap, the study conducts an exploratory case study of Colombia, a country plagued by internal displacement. It investigates the correlation between green grabbing and internal displacement, considering socioeconomic and political factors. By combining statistical and historical analyses within the world-system theory and the political ecological approach, the research uncovers structural patterns in Colombia and sheds light on the intricate relationship between environmental initiatives and internal displacement, emphasizing the pursuit of profit within the capitalist world-system. Future research directions suggest the use of mediation analysis and qualitative investigation of policy narratives in climate change and migration.

The European Union, viewing itself as a normative actor, employs various means to disseminate its normative power within its member states, candidate countries, and the global context. The ERASMUS+ program comprises one of the tools designed to enhance the EU's international presence by facilitating cross-cultural interactions among participants and fostering group affiliations. This study aims to explore this impact on ERASMUS+ participants from EU candidate countries like Albania, employing constructivist concepts. By conducting interviews with both mobile and non-mobile Albanian exchange students, leading a comparative analysis, this research seeks to offer deeper insights into the extent to which the normative power of the EU influences these participants and their European identity formation. The guiding hypothesis, that participating in an ERASMUS+ program successfully shifts the identities of the students towards a more pro-European stance, has been verified through the discourse analysis of the interviewees answers. Hence, the normative power of the European Union is present and strengthened through this tool in the candidate countries.

This thesis investigates how faith-based organizations (FBO’s) operating in inter-faith contextsconduct identity-building processes to answer the research question “How can we understand theidentity-building processes of Christian faith-based organizations operating in Muslim countries?”.Hence, the author seeks to explore the role of Christian FBO’s in the international arena and thestudy of International Relations through the case study of WorldVision Jordan, a Christianorganization working within a predominantly Muslim country with mostly Muslim participants. Thethesis emphasizes the colonial as an indispensable part of Christianisation and humanitarianism andargues that the interfaith relations at play need to be understood within a double-subaltern context.Thus, a colonial conscious framework based on social constructivism and postcolonial IR theory isbuilt and its theoretical, conceptual and methodological implications then serve as a basis for theanalysis. WV’s identity-building processes are discursively analysed according to Schneider’s(2013) toolbox approach thereby evaluating not only the empirical data as such, but also itssurroundings, production, and context. Through the analysis of the organizations discursivelyconstructed Self against several Others, the thesis reveals a distorted self-perception and how theorganization pursues specific goals of religious persuasion

Those who live their lives across the borders of nation-states as well as scholars and policy makers who research transnational lives are facing rapid alterations in mobility regimes. The articles in this special issue represent trends among transnational migration scholars who have been documenting various aspects of these changes. In order to be able to respond adequately to the transformations in the world that effect migrants and non-migrants alike, it is necessary to theorize temporality.

France is currently being faced with an increasing fury and insurrection in its former African colonies. This took many commentators by surprise. Afterall, French influence has been waning for at least two decades in the face of an increasing array of “new” players entering – what used to be considered – France’s “backyard”. Furthermore, French leaders have long expressed remorse and condemned France’s shady activities of the past. This is particularly the case for Macron who, in the name of being part of an entirely “new generation” of leaders, presents himself as an ally of African progress. How then, can we possibly understand the “anti-French sentiment” that has shaken-up the continent in recent years? This paper seeks to contribute to a better understanding of France’s contested status by providing a regional case study of francophone West-Africa. Drawing on Holsti’s role theory approach and Bull’s “Great Power” and “Recognition” concepts, this study analyzes the perception of French and West-African officials to investigate how and to what extent France is being challenged by decision-makers. It finds that albeit defiance towards France appears to be less prevalent among West-African decision-makers than the general-public, it is a phenomenon of regional scale that displays a high degree of convergence and has practical ramifications on Franco-African relations. It concludes that France’s historically based claims to a privileged relation with its former colonies is increasingly being challenged by West-African decision-makers due to its difficulty to justify itself in an increasingly multipolar world. 

Indigenous autonomy, self-government and self-determination have historically been an area of conflict within the settler colonial state of Canada. This thesis aims to analyze critically the Canadian state’s alleged progressive nature in regard to nation-to-nation relations as well as the discourses that portray Canadian society as fostering Indigenous rights. Grounded in previous research and contextual background, this study uses the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to investigate how Canadian media produces and reproduces discourse around the issues connected with Indigenous resistance since the ‘Oka Crisis’ of 1990, based on the selected material published by The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. The findings illustrate that while liberal-influenced narratives have improved, significant identification of decolonization within Canada’s media was not found and the structures of settler colonialism remain largely unchanged. 

This study aims to understand the role that creative expression can play in transforming conflicts on both the personal and the political level and opens a discussion around how creative tools can enable meeting points between these two levels. This paper includes ananalysisof six open-ended narrative interviews with artists and peace workersfrom conflict related areas. It en-gages with their perspectives on their own creative expression as well as their view on the relation between their artwork and their healing process at the personal and systemic/political level.Methodologically,this researchis based on Grounded Theory (Clarke2012), Open-EndedNarrative Interview Format and Self Ethnography. These tools offer an open engagement with the pro-cess, acontinuousemergence of categories and themes and enable a critical self-reflectionas theresearcher. The analysis showsthat creative expression ispotentially seen as influential on the personal and political healing pro-cesses for the interview partners. Thisstudy also shows that the intention of making art differs as well as the view on the importance of intentionally or not intentionally using creative tools to heal, both atthe personal and the sys-temic level. Finally, it engages with questions on who is to heal in this world and concludesthat in many ways the personal stories reflect the societalones –vice versa.

This paper explores how the Russian occupation of the Georgian territory of South Ossetia disrupts local practices pertaining to death, burial and good afterlives.

The 2008 Russo-Georgian war and its aftermath caused the long-term displacement of thousands of ethnic Georgians from South Ossetia as well as highly precarious living conditions in the borderlands between Russian and Georgian controlled areas. Over the past decade, the construction of a hard, militarised “border” between the territories restricts movement and hinders displaced families and local village communities from accessing native places and people. This is not only so in terms of the concrete territories and contemporaries of “this world”, but also pertains to the territories and beings in “the other world”.

The paper will show how Russian rule is undoing the social and spatial connections between the world of the living and the world of the dead, by leaving ancestors and dead kin uncomfortably out of place: Families are prevented from visiting family graves, pay their respect, and fulfil obligations to their deceased kin. The dead must be buried in the wrong soil away from where they would naturally belong. Close relatives are prevented from reunification in the afterlife, etc.

By preventing proper relations between the world of the living and the world of the dead, the dominance exercised by occupation extends itself to the afterlife and threatens to undo senses of social continuity. However, it also fosters resistance and creative attempts at re-making it.

Bok review: Boundaries of Displacement: Belonging and Return among Forcibly Displaced Young Georgians from Abkhazia Minna Lundgren Östersund: Mittuniversitetet 2016, 168 sider. ISBN 9789188025807

This article explores local experiences and consequences of Russian “borderization” and “creeping occupation” along the administrative boundary line (ABL) between occupied South Ossetia and Georgian-controlled territory. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews in borderland villages, the focus moves beyond the immediate physical manifestations and geopolitical consequences and draws attention to the social effects produced by these practices. By examining the relationship between the specific political situation affecting livelihoods along the ABL and local notions of kinship and place as foundations of good lives and social continuity, the article unpacks the ways in which fundamental ambiguities and uncertainties characterizing the borderlands extend beyond the physical terrain and into intimate social relationships and practices. I conclude by arguing that in this context otherwise mundane notions of individual mobility, kinship obligations and ancestral place are infused with a sense of urgency, which takes on both existential and political significance.

This thesis explores the identity construction of migrants in different generations andcircumstances as they are represented in the novels Piccola Sicilia and Jaffa Road by DanielSpeck through narratives. Through an ethnographic narrative analysis with a focus onstorytelling, macro, meso and micro-structures of identity formation are identified to gain insightsinto the identity construction in relation to familial history of three main characters. In doing sothis thesis uncovers how narratives of family history are used in the continuous identityconstruction of migrants in and between generations and how the macro, meso and microstructures influence these narratives of identity. This study therefore provides a comparativeanalysis with a focus on change over time and throughout generation, as well as in differentcontexts that are however interconnected through a single family history. Special attention will bepaid to the construction of senses of belonging and unbelonging within individual identitiesconstructed in the third space, where migrants and their children negotiate their identities throughboth values from home and destination cultures and societies, to explore the concept of hybrididentities of migrants and their families.

The field of International Relations is Western-centric through its main theories, which risks undermining the development of non-Western countries. This thesis aims to implement the alternative analytical, non-Western approach of Global IR through a Comparative Case Study of South Korea and Vietnam to analyse the so-called ‘global’ Sustainable Development Goals through two research questions: How have South Korea and Vietnam managed to fulfil SDG no. 11? and How can Global IR be used to problematise the Westernised and overly universal UN measurement indicators of SDG no. 11 in South Korea and Vietnam? Conclusively, South Korea falls more in line with the Western depiction of development than Vietnam. But Global IR can be used to problematise the UN indicators by arguing historical implications to reach their Western-centric model in non-Western countries and provides indicators that consider countries individualities. This ultimately creates a more global approach, as it acknowledges differences instead of attempting to fit all countries into one specific box of sustainable urban development.

Parental leave policies have been shown to play a significant role in enhancing gender

equality. The European Union has recognised this and has issued a Directive to its

Member States, in order to instigate parental leave policy reform. However, not all

Member States have sought to implement this. This thesis addresses this problem and

seeks to answer the following research question: Why have progressive parental leave

policies failed to transfer across the European Union? In doing so, this study also aims

to explore the limits of Europeanisation.

The research question has been addressed through a qualitative comparative case study

of four European Union Member States: Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Greece.

These states have been chosen on the basis of Most Different System Design. The thesis

deploys a theoretical framework based upon concepts of Europeanisation and policy

mobility and draws particularly on the work of Stone’s four core concepts of policy

mobility: Diffusion, Transfer, Convergence, Translation (Stone, 2012).

The key factors that have been identified in this study as restricting the potential of a

policy to transfer are: institutional surroundings, shared beliefs and norms, internal

political dynamics and a lack of force/action from the European Union. These

differences have acted to constrain the transferability of progressive parental leave

policy across the European Union and therefore the process of Europeanisation in this

area. 

This thesis examines the response of Swedish institutions to the European Union’s (EU) Minimum Wage Directive, within the framework of Multi-Level Governance (MLG). It investigates the strategic actions and power dynamics employed by Swedish trade unions, employer organizations, and the government to defend the Swedish Model of labour market regulation, characterized by self-regulation through collective bargaining. The study employs Carol Bacchi’s ‘What is the Problem Represented to be?’ (WPR) approach to dissect the discourses and representations surrounding statutory minimum wages. The research highlights the political intentions and assumptions underpinning these discourses and explores the consequences of the finalized directive’s implementation within Sweden. Through a detailed discourse analysis, the study reveals the collaborative efforts and lobbying strategies of Swedish institutions to influence EU legislation and protect their labour market autonomy. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexities and challenges of balancing national labour policies with supranational directives within the MLG framework. 

M arrived in Sweden as a hopeful and aspiring adolescent minor in 2015. By 2022, he instead finds himself living on the streets as a drug addict, homeless, with his residency permit rejected and his asylum application declined. This thesis analyzes his situation through a theory of Performativity and Affect, foremost leaning on Judith Butler, Lauren Berlant, and Sara Ahmed. It scrutinizes the role of the imagined Refugee Figure that M came to represent. It is produced through a set of interviews while following Lee Ann Fujii’s method of Relational Interviewing. While the role for M is being outlawed to the exterior of Global Politics, without the ability to appear, he is consequently never valued as a matter of consideration. May other routes have been possible? The Refugee Figure is here contrasted to alternative figurative identities, such as the builder or even the desperado, that more naturally are associated with an ability to act and to be seen. Ultimately, the thesis reads precarious mobility as an expression of political will, agency, and a voice with one’s feet.

I denna undersökning har jag haft som syfte att undersöka hur media beskriver tre områden byggda under miljonprogrammet: Lindängen, Nydala och Rosengård och dess invånare med utgångspunkt från Sydsvenskan och Aftonbladet. Detta har gjorts med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys samt tidigare forskning och teorier. Utifrån de fem olika teman, miljö och arkitektur, levnadsmiljö, utbildning och arbetslöshet, kriminalitet och brott samt Vi och dem har jag försökt skapa en så bred bild som möjligt. Studiens övergripande slutsats är att dessa områden konsekvent beskrivs i termer som betonar socioekonomisk utsatthet, kriminalitet och problematiska samhällsförhållanden. Invånarna framställs som bristande i hygien, med låg utbildningsnivå och utländsk härkomst. Beskrivningar som dessa förstärker negativa stereotyper och bidrar till en bild av områdena och dess invånare som avvikande och separerade från resten av samhället.

The analysis aims to understand how social movements, particularly the climate activist group Återställ Våtmarker in Sweden, can use media as a tool to draw attention to their cause. As described in the theory of agenda-setting power, the purpose is to examine how we can understand the strategies the organization uses to generate attention. The analysis includes both qualitative and quantitative materials and also features a categorization in which three selected activist groups are compared to identify any differences in their strategies and methods. Throughout the work, the study sparked a deeper interest in analyzing the distinction between the means and the goals of social movements. The study highlights several challenges regarding the actual impact of Återställ Våtmarker on society but shows that they generate a polarized media image, likely due to their unconventional methods. Ultimately, Återställ Våtmarker and their efforts strive for political influence, but there are several factors that make it difficult to indicate causal links between activism and political decisions.

This thesis aims to analyse the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) potential violation of the right to a fair trial in placing alleged terrorists on the infamous ‘kill list’ without due process. The CIA has operated a targeted killing program using Armed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (AUAV) over ‘areas outside active hostilities’, such as Yemen, since 2002. Due process is inherent to modern democratic societies and shapes their rule of law. The doctrinal legal analysis makes use of the key principles of due process to analyse the relevant Presidential Policy Guidance, its compliance with International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Art. 14, and a case study. These key principles and analyses will result in a clear overview of the program’s violations of the right to a fair trial. Concluding that the CIA’s AUAV program for targeted killing, particularly in Yemen, constitute extrajudicial executions.

In 2018, there was clear evidence that Sweden was targeted of China’s attempts to influence their media. The Chinese embassy started criticising Swedish news reporting through insults or even threats. Since 2017 the Chinese ambassador has been summoned more than 40 times to the Swedish foreign department for his spiteful attacks on the media. This thesis examines how the Swedish media has responded and is affected by threats and harassment from Chinese authorities from 2018 to 2020. The thesis is based on interviews with 10 participants from the Swedish media, and documents. The thesis shows, that threats and harassment from Chinese authorities is a unique behaviour from a state towards the Swedish media. The response to the threats and harassment is seen through strategies of adding security, showing solidarity and support and showing resistance. The affect on the Swedish media can increase a self-censorship culture, regarding reporting about China. It has made the Swedish media worried in the working and daily life. In the long run, the threats and harassment can have a negative impact on the independent journalism and the Swedish democratic society.

When emigrant families return-migrate to their homeland, what happens to their school-age children? What challenges do these children face when they switch to a different school system and language? This paper addresses these questions in the context of family return migration to Latvia, based on 40 in-depth interviews with children, their parents and key informants - teachers, school support staff and return-migration coordinators. We find that imaginings of a smooth reintegration into a parental homeland of extended family and friends may not be realised; instead, many children, particularly those of secondary and upper primary-school age, experience the move as a rupture in their lives. School may be fraught with unrealistic expectations on all sides, not helped by poor communication between parents, teachers and support staff. The lack of fluency in the Latvian language is seen by teachers as an obstacle, rather than something to be accepted and worked with. Most teachers are unfamiliar with children from different backgrounds and origins and need training in diversity, tolerance and differentiated learning. This will become increasingly necessary in a country like Latvia, with its ongoing high rates of international migration and return. Our findings show that the educational system and children's experiences of schooling play a crucial role in returnee families' overall reintegration. This raises the importance of return preparedness for the children, including language preparation and awareness of pedagogical and curriculum differences.

This study seeks to advance the understanding of the development of public trust in the EU during the Covid-19 pandemic (from its beginning to March 2022). The importance of this study lies in the relevance of public trust in institutions in impacting their legitimacy and success, e.g. of policies. It is found that the EU has lost trust during the pandemic among a majority of especially central- and Northern- European member states. Four factors relating to public trust, namely trust in national governments as well as the vaccine, perceived job insecurity, and the receiving of additional financial aid from EU institutions were explored as potentially correlating variables in a mixed-method multi-stage research design. Based on the Eurofound data set titled “Living, Working and Covid-19 Data”, a high substantive but negligible statistical significance was identified regarding all four variables. In narrowing in on the negative outlier cases Austria and Germany through newspaper analysis, a correlation between the sentiment of newspaper reportings and the development of public trust was identified and the statistical findings were strengthened for all variables but trust in the vaccine.

As the police authority moves to exploit its power, by using its advantage through individual police officers' initiatives, it will lead to serious societal consequences based on unequal power relations. Situations characterized by discrimination and oppression occur and are reproduced through intersections of power relations, based on ethnic affiliation, social standing, gender and sexual orientation. The purpose of this study is to analyse how this relationship between the police and the public are represented, reflected by the TV series Tunna blå linjen (The thin blue line), produced by Sveriges Television AB, SVT. Futhermore, the purpose of this study is also to analyse how the TV series relate to the criticized police practices, called into question during recent years. To attain these objetives, the TV series will be analysed based on the following question formulations:

- How are power relations between the police and the public represented in the TV series Tunna blå linjen?

- In what way does the TV series Tunna blå linjen relate to the various kinds of occuring criticized police practices, called into question during recent years?

The material consists of seven selected image sequences, from which several aspects can be deducted. To evaluate and examine this material, a visual text analysis is performed, which includes text as well as imagery.

The seven selected image sequences, retrieved from the TV series Tunna blå linjen, and the identified representations, illustrate the results of this study, that various kinds of situations characterized by discrimination and oppression occur. These situations are reproduced through intersections of power relations between the police and the public, based on ethnic affiliation, social standing, gender and sexual orientation. The results of this study also show that these power relations generate stigmatisation of individuals, a consequence which has affected each one of those being the subject of the actions initiated by the police, as the seven selected image sequences illustrate. The prasieworthy approach to problematize the police actions based on ethnic markers, which each of the seven selected image sequences represent, is not suffciently far-reaching, which is an additional result of this study.

In the 1960s the Danish state initiated a national IUD program  for Greenlandic women in childbearing age, in Greenland. The initiative was made to bring down the Greenlandic birthrate that at the time was the highest in the world. 4500 women down to 13 years of age got the IUD, many of them without consent. This has brought a question forward of Danish denial of the colonial past, and the idea that Denmark was an exception in the general brutality of the western colonialism. This thesis questions the perceived legitimacy the Danish IUD program, by investigating which discourses was a part of forming the necessity of the IUD program in Greenland in the 1960. The discourse analysis focus on the Danish identity construction of the Greenlanders and Danes. The study approaches the idea put forward in the Danish media that the IUD program was an economic decision. However, the thesis finds, by analyzing the economic argument, that the identity construction of the Greenlandic women as promiscuous, was the decisive factor, that resulted in the IUD program.

The plurality and subjectivity of peace means that transitions from war are contested – i.e. permeated by conflicts between previously warring antagonists who want to (re)order postwar society according to competing peace(s). But while there always will exist mutually excluding peace(s), such outliers do not foreclose middle grounds where multiple peace(s) can coexist. In this article, I argue that the postwar city can generate coexistence between peace(s) of varying divergence through the creativity, accommodation, and fragmentation of city spaces. These arguments are illustrated through examples from postwar Belfast, Mitrovica, and Mostar. I term this conceptualization urban peace. 

Trots en betydande mängd litteratur om väntan i migration, om familjens betydelse för beslutet att migrera och om transnationellt familjeliv är mötet mellan de tre, väntan som en kollektiv upplevelse, till stor del outforskad. Denna studie undersöker vad ett kollektivt perspektiv på väntan kan tillföra genom att titta på familjeåterförening till Sverige. Genom en kvalitativ metod med semistrukturerade parintervjuer skildras tre pars erfarenheter av väntan på återförening inom studentinvandring, flyktinginvandring, för svenska medborgare och deras respektive partners. Intervjuerna valdes ur ett större forskningsmaterial och analyserades tematiskt med begrepp ur transnationella familjestudier. Tillsammans visar de att kollektivitet kan bredda vår förståelse av väntan. Familjernas omsorgspraktiker påverkades av den utdragna väntan, orsakad av parallella byråkratiska processer som villkorades av den svenska välfärdsstaten. Samtidigt underminerade osäkra tidsangivelser och försörjningskrav parens egen förmåga att planera. Detta ledde både till aktivitet och passivitet bland de väntande. Som levd erfarenhet synliggjorde kollektivitet ömsesidiga förpliktelser, delegation av omsorg, känslomässigt stöd och omsorgsarbete som viktiga komponenter i väntan. 

Bildandet av omfattande, internationella miljö regimer kan vara komplicerade processer. Då det kan finnas polariserade intressen rörande miljöhantering bland aktörer på den internationella arenan, om man ska fokusera på att bevara miljön eller satsa på industriell utveckling, kan det leda till att förhandlingarna vid bildandet av omfattande föreskrifter blir ineffektiva. Syftet med denna forskning har varit att undersöka de faktorer som kan influera effektiviteten vid bildandet av internationella regimer med fokus på miljöhantering. Detta gjordes genom att titta på den kontemporära debatten rörandes djuphavsgruvdrift och den Internationella Havsbottenmyndighetens roll, tillsammans med flera teoretiska perspektiv såsom neo-institutional liberalism och International Political Economy (IPE). Slutsaten med forskningen är att statliga aktörer har det tyngsta mandatet för att fatta beslut vid bildandet av regimer men att det även är viktigt att inkludera externa perspketiv från icke-statliga intressenter för att säkerställa legitimiteten av regimen samt dess effektivitet. 

Immigration detention is widely used in Greece and is only seeing an increase, especially withexisting open facilities being transformed into closed detention centres. This thesis aims to shedlight on the ways in which Greek politicians portray immigration detention in Greece in mediadiscourse by answering the following research question: How is immigration detention in Greeceportrayed by Greek politicians? This study employs Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive critical discourseanalysis and the concepts of hospitality (Filoxenia in Greek), “othering” and deterrence to breakdown statements and quotes of Greek politicians around the issue of detaining irregularizedmigrants. The analysis suggests that despite the use of language related to hospitality, Greekpoliticians see detention as a solution providing more control and safety to their citizens, not the“Other” while simultaneously acting as a deterrent. This study contributes to the existing literatureby providing a critical, constructivist study of hospitality, othering and deterrence in the context ofimmigration detention in Greece.

The thesis aims to understand how the Saudi Arabia government frames domestic migrant workers working in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia to understand the stance of the government towards the treatment of domestic migrant workers. The point of departure is the mass expulsion of the undocumented migrant workers in 2017 that was motivated by the enforcement of the Saudiazation policy. To conduct the study, labor policies that regulate all foreigners and domestic migrant workers have been used. Framing theory and qualitative frame analyses were used through the definition of Robert Entman (1993), to analyze the data. The findings of the study show that domestic migrant workers are disadvantaged by policies that are meant to protect them as they are still partly governed by the Kafala system which can be cited as one of the main reasons for them to have an illegal status and face detention and deportation

After the Jomtien conference and the World Declaration, Education for all in 1990, by UNESCO, education began to be a topic of greater relevance for global politics, and not only for domestic politics. The thesis aims to examine the construction of the OECD’s discourse about higher education using Chile as a Case of study, through the analysis of the OECD’s document Reviews of National Policies for Education, Education in Chile, published in 2017, and on the Law 21091 of Higher Education in Chile promulgated in 2018. For this, from poststructuralist theory, and using the concepts of legitimacy and norm as a theoretical framework, discourse analysis is carried out using the What is the Problem Represented to be approached. Thus, the thesis reveals that the OECD discourse is built on OECD preconceived standards, and not on particular standards for Chile, however, this also leads Chile to recognize itself as a country part of a world elite. 

Gitt forståelsen av integrering som en mangfoldig prosess som kan romme mange ulike praksiser og aktører, diskuterer vi integrasjon som en prosess der mennesker «sikrer sted». Vi utforsker flyktningers integreringsfortellinger, for å forstå hvilke integreringserfaringer disse rommer. Rammeverket til Penninx og Garcés-Mascareñas (2016) brukes til å analysere flyktningers fortellinger om integrering inn i et lokalsamfunn. Gjennom disse erfaringene viser vi et mangfold av integreringsforståelser og praksiser.

The purpose of this degree project is to gain more knowledge about how the supervisorsin the KROM program describe any experiences of ethnic and other forms ofdiscrimination towards the participants and what other factors affect the participant'sopportunities to establish themselves in the labor market. A qualitative study wasconducted using six semi-structured interviews with the supervisors in KROM (Kundvalrusta och matcha). When analyzing the results, it appears that a majority of the supervisorswho have been respondents feel that there has been ethnic discrimination against theparticipants in connection with job seeking. This could involve anything from a moresubtle exclusion, for example by unspokenly hiring people with a Swedish ethnicbackground even though the criteria met were the same between the Swedish and non-Swedish applicants, to a more direct statement. An example of this is when recruiters saythat they in truth do not want certain ethnic groups in their workplace. The conclusion istherefore that yes, they experience ethnic discrimination against the participants, and thatit is both direct and indirect discrimination. Based on the analysis and results of this study,the conclusion that it is to some extent a matter of exclusive competencies, such as therequirement for Swedish education, despite the fact that the job seeker has foreigneducation and experience, but also major competencies in the social field. But severalsupervisors describe the importance of personal drive as the crucial factor in the questionof employability or not. At the same time, human capital factors such as language,education and social network can affect a jobseeker's opportunities in the Swedish labormarket.

This thesis explores how presuppositions and assumptions can affect policy making, by investigating if anti-trans and 'gender critical' rhetoric may have affected the now reversed NHS policy ‘Amendments to service specification for gender identity development service for children and adolescents’ which directly influenced the still in use Karolinska University Hospital policy, ‘Policyförändring gällande hormonell behandling till minderåriga patienter med könsdysfori inom Tema Barn’. By using the Foucauldian inspired poststructural WPR policy analysis method by Bacchi and Goodwin, it was uncovered that the underlying assumptions and presuppositions of the hegemonic ‘truths’ the representation of the problem relied on, assumed dominance through an increase of anti-transgender and anti-gender-diverse rhetoric in political and public debates, and in media. A monumental aspect of this is the Bell v Tavistock case and its now overturned first ruling, which was used to legitimise anti-transgender and anti-gender-diverse policies and politics. The point of departure for these ‘truths’ is the publication of The Transexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male (1979) by Janice Raymond, which inspired TERFs, as well as far-right politicians, who echo the intention to limit gender-affirming treatments, and the centres where they are performed, in order to morally mandate it out of existence.

Humanity currently faces an existential crisis: anthropogenic climate change. In order to guarantee our survival on a stable planet, immediate mitigation and adaption strategies must be implemented. However, institutions are failing to live up to the task and a concrete action plan is currently non-existent, as climate governance struggles with fragmentation, commitment, and challenges posed by neoliberalism. Since the top-down approach is insufficient, extra-institutional actors are arising as leaders for the environmental agenda.  This study narrows down on Greta Thunberg and assesses her capacity in leading the climate movement. The applicability of frame theory (Benford and Snow, 2000) will be tested to understand the mobilisation potential of Greta’s discourse. The main focus of this examination is to analyse how Greta has used diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational collective action frames in order to place the limelight on the seriousness of climate change and correspondingly how this has led to civil society mobilisation. Through a discourse analysis of her speeches, it was discovered that the framing perspective plays a role in meaning construction for the movement.

This thesis addresses speech acts on the subject of disinformation as a threat at the United Nations Human Rights Council in its 47th, 49th and 50th sessions where the matter was discussed. By combining securitization theory and qualitative content analysis with a method of examining speech acts through specific variables, it is possible to examine if this was a case of securitization or politicization and if the process was a success or a failure. The findings suggest that there were two instances that could be regarded as securitizing acts. A part of the audience accepted disinformation as a threat. However, the lack of supranational power of the Council, failure to unilaterally depict disinformation as an existential security threat, lack of exceptional measures and disagreements between representatives caused obstacles for the process. Thus I argue that disinformation was not securitized but quasi-successfully politicized in the Human Rights Council and that the discussion revealed geopolitical tensions within the organization which can make decision-making difficult also in the future.

The thesis investigates the potential adoption of language and knowledge of society requirements for citizenship in Sweden. With thorough review of the language requirements context and the changing political discourse around citizenship requirements the thesis tries to explore the implications of this policy with particular focus on refugees and low literacy immigrants. Based on Bosswick’s and Heckman’s social integration theory the thesis tackles the impact of language requirements on integration outcomes based on four dimensions: structural, cultural, interactive and on  the dimension of identification. Moreover, by employing a qualitative research design that includes both expert interviews and document analysis the thesis aims to explore broader insights of the requirements' effect on the process of integration. Findings of this study indicate that language proficiency is crucial for integration but making language a requirement for citizenship may lead to barriers for vulnerable groups if necessary measures are not taken. Therefore, the study wraps up with the suggestion that if such policy is to be implemented adequate flexible assessment processes and resourceful support system must be considered so that the policy is implemented fairly for everyone.

This thesis analyzes how Sweden is acting against their Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) in relation to their firearms exports to Saudi Arabia. There is plenty of previous research on FFP along with the arms trade with Saudi Arabia. Through this, feminist theory is applied to the FFP and the trade relation, with the purpose of attempting to uncover how Sweden’s actions are contradictory to their FFP. Therefore, in order to address how their actions are contradictory, the research question of this thesis is: How is Sweden acting against their FFP? This thesis utilizes a Qualitative Content Analysis to selected empirical material, news websites and international organization websites. As a result based on this analysis, Sweden acts against their FFP because they export firearms to Saudi Arabia, who violates human rights and oppresses women, and supplying a country like that with firearms legitimizes their violating and oppressing actions.