Russian journalism has always existed in the tension between political power and a more or less independent intelligentia. This was the case during the old czar regime as well as during different periods of the Soviet Union era. At the end of the Cold War liberalization followed, which offered Russian journalism a kind of freedom it had never known. However, despite an increased indepen-dence, journalism continued to be used as a political tool and what autonomy that had been achieved by journalists as a professional group remained limited. At the same time and despite exposing themselves to great risks there were Russian journalists who maintained their autonomy and continued to challenge the regime. Since Putin came to power, the room of maneuver for independent journalism has gradually diminished. As a result, Russian journalism and independent media institutions develop and carry out their work in exile mimicking a pattern of a 19th century tradition. The regime tries to control various information flows but finds it increasingly difficult to do so with global digital networks and VPN-services that circumvent any blocking.

Constitution as the Art of Beginning Anew. The negative outcome of the referenda on the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands raises challenging questions about the nature of constitution-making. How does one begin a democracy? Does it matter who writes the constitution? The present essay addresses the distinction between the constituent and the constituted power, seen through the eyes of three thinkers: Hannah Arendt, Emmanuel Sieyès and Rogers M. Smith. It looks at Arendt's notion of beginning, Sieyès's idea of the nation as the constituent power behind government, and Smith's proposal of a people constituted through political contestation.

The liberal state, it has been argued, must be neutral between different conceptions of the good. Honouring individual autonomy and embodying ideals such as fairness and impartiality, the doctrine of state neutrality is intuitively appealing. Working as a restraint for state actions it is however problematic. In this paper, a possible solution to this predicament is outlined. Drawing on the distinction between liberty and what gives worth to liberty, it is argued that we must never accept non-neutral restrictions of liberty itself, but may pursue non-neutral policies affecting the distribution of what gives worth to liberty and may impose taxes funding non-neutral state actions, although such taxation inevitable limits the worth of our liberty. It is suggested that we, by adopting such a policy of limited state perfectionism, can recognize the right to individual autonomy without having to restrain the state from doing the good it can.

Pontus Fahlbeck, grundare av Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, har efterlyst studier av ”… staters förfall och undergång genom tiderna, dess förebud och förlopp, från Grekland och Rom och ännu äldre kulturer till våra dagars folk och stater, samt upplysa och varna …” (Fahlbeck 1918:236). Genom upplysning borde vi kunna utveckla samhället till det bättre, med medborgare som bärare av goda egenskaper. ”Ty mestadels när folk och kulturer gingo under, var orsaken därtill jämte yttre våld, inre brister, sjukdomar i känsla och vilja” (Fahlbeck 1918:235). Hans gåvobrev avspeglar en ambition att studera dåtiden för att försöka förstå nutiden, men också att ”söka bot, om bot står att vinna” i syfte att ”upplysa och varna” (ibid.), och därmed undvika att upprepa tidigare misstag.

Vi tar hans uppmaning ad notam. I vår essä tar vi ett brett grepp. Med utgångspunkt i ett månghundraårigt perspektiv diskuterar vi fattigdomsbe-kämpningen i olika delar av det vi idag kallar Västeuropa, från och med 1500-talet och då framförallt med fokus på Sverige. Vi argumenterar för att fattigvården uppvisar kontinuitet genom reproduktion av lösningar baserade på kontroll, bestraffning och lokalt godtycke, men också i kategoriseringen av människor i förtjänta och oförtjänta hjälp, i stigmatiseringen av de nödställda och i bristen på likvärdighet mellan behövande och självförsörjande; m a o en fattigvårdslogik som i realiteten, med Fahlbecks uttryck, avspeglar en sjukdom ”i känsla och vilja” att hjälpa de utsatta på ett värdigt sätt. Vår fråga är: Vad ger historien om fattigdomsbekämpningen i Europa för lärdomar och har den moderna svenska välfärdsstaten kunnat erbjuda någon bot?

This article analyzes the impact of the Israel-Palestinian conflict on contemporary antisemitism in Sweden. It departs from an analytical framework consisting of three broad components: an Israel-Palestinian-centric worldview, delegitimiza-tion of Israel, Israelis and Zionism, and antisemitic thought structures projected on Israel. The first conclusion of the article is that there has been a clear connection between the Israel-Palestinian conflict and antisemitism in Sweden since the June war of 1967 and even more since the Lebanon war of 1982. Another conclusion is that the Israel-Palestinian centric worldview, which basically argues that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is more important than other conflicts and key to peace in the wider Middle East, has weakened in Sweden in recent years. A third conclusion is that periods without major outbreaks of violence in the Israel-Palestinian conflict seem to have a calming effect on antisemitism in Sweden, just like escalations in the conflict trigger antisemitism here. We have seen this pattern repeating itself over the past decade and a half with several wars in Gaza and with the most recent escalation between Israel and the Palestinians in May 2021.

Det sägs ibland att människor definieras av krig. Mina föräldrar definierades av det kalla kriget på samma sätt som mina mor- och farföräldrar hade definierats av det andra världskriget. Min generation, 80-talisterna, skulle komma att definieras av vad George W. Bush den 13:e oktober 2001 kom att kalla för ”det globala kriget mot terrorismen”. För många bedömare, även de mest initierade, var det till en början svårt att föreställa sig att världens högst utvecklade industriland kunde bli så kraftfullt attackerat som USA blev den 11:e september 2001 av al-Qaida, en terrorgrupp med bas i ett av världens minst utvecklade länder. När den populära politiska talkshowen Charlie Rose i USA sände live på kvällen den 11:e september 2001 vägrade flera av de medverkande, den tidens ledande säkerhetspolitiska analytiker, att tro att det enbart var en icke-statlig grupp som låg bakom 11 september-attackerna – så massiv var chocken initialt i USA (Charlie Rose 2001).

The Abraham Accords, signed by Israel and four Arab states in 2020, were one of President Donald Trump’s most renowned foreign policy successes. They were also one of few of his administration’s policies that enjoyed bipartisan support in the US. But what type of peace has emerged following the Abraham Accords? In what ways do the Abraham Accords go beyond the cold and authoritarian peace that Israel enjoys with Egypt, Jordan and to a certain extent with the Palestinian Authority? Departing from the four dimensions of cold, warm, authoritarian, and democratic peace, this article aims to problematize the peace created after the Abraham Accords. The analysis shows that change in relations between elites and publics during the two years that has followed since the signing of the accords escapes easy categorization and has elements of all four peace dimensions. Trade and tourism have increased significantly, and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco have made alterations in their education about the Holocaust. All this points to a warmer and more recognitional peace than the peace Israel has enjoyed with Egypt and Jordan. However, at the same time, local activists that protest the Abraham Accords are regularly abused. This is done not least with the aid of Israeli cyber technology, which is being exported to three of four Arab states that are part of the Abraham Accords. As we show in the analysis, the new peace and normaliza-tion agreements within the Abraham Accords are part of the modernization strate-gies of the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan and even Saudi Arabia for the coming decades. These modernization strategies, which include aspects of liberalization as well, shall, with the possible exception of Sudan, not in any way be confused with democratization. 

In Russia, as in some other countries around the world, we are currently witnessing a wave of politically sanctioned homophobia, most concretely manifested in the 2013 law against “homosexual propaganda”. By examining Russian mainstream media reporting, this article aims to reconstruct a dominant narrative on homosexuality and LGBT rights. It is found that this narrative revolves around three tropes: 1) that non-heterosexuals are a threat to the nation, 2) that LGBT rights are about imposing the minority´s norms onto the majority; and 3) that LGBT rights is bound up with Western modernity, to which Russia offers an alternative. Discussing the findings in light of theories on nationalism, gender and sexuality, I argue that homophobia in Russia must be understood in a global geopolitical perspective: as an attempt to negotiate a meaningful international role for Russia in a world order where LGBT rights have become a symbolic marker of Western modernity.

In Russia, as in some other countries around the world, we are currently witnessing a wave of politically sanctioned homophobia, most concretely manifested in the 2013 law against “homosexual propaganda”. By examining Russian mainstream media reporting, this article aims to reconstruct a dominant narrative on homosexuality and LGBT rights. It is found that this narrative revolves around three tropes: 1) that non-heterosexuals are a threat to the nation, 2) that LGBT rights are about imposing the minority´s norms onto the majority; and 3) that LGBT rights is bound up with Western modernity, to which Russia offers an alternative. Discussing the findings in light of theories on nationalism, gender and sexuality, I argue that homophobia in Russia must be understood in a global geopolitical perspective: as an attempt to negotiate a meaningful international role for Russia in a world order where LGBT rights have become a symbolic marker of Western modernity.

I Sverige är det förbjudet att bedriva viss forskning om denna inte först har godkänts vid en etikprövning. Det är endast Etikprövningsmyndigheten eller, efter överklagande, Överklagandenämnden för etikprövning (nedan Önep), som kan ge ett sådant godkännande. Detta framgår av lagen (2003:460) om etikprövning av forskning som avser människor (nedan EPL). Forskning kan ske i strid med förbudet genom att erforderlig prövning aldrig skett, att ansökan om forskningen avslagits eller att forskningen (i relevant mening) skiljt sig från det som angivits i en godkänd ansökan. Att forskare bryter mot lagen kan förstås bero på medvetna val, men kan också orsakas av olika slags missuppfattningar. Om någon bryter mot förbudet kan flera olika konsekvenser uppkomma, vilket diskuteras i denna artikel.

Recension av avhandlingen Spånning, Anna C., Towards institutional stabilization and development? : a study of inter-organizational cooperation in the Tajik cotton industry, Karlstad : Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Political Science, Karlstads universitet, 2009, 978-91-7063-282-2, http://kau.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2:278756

Fallacies and wishful thinking: on Russia studies, Putin, and the lead-up to the warWhen President Putin over the years repeatedly raged and ranted about how Russia had been deceived by the West over NATO’s eastward expansion, how Ukraine’s rightful president allegedly had been illegally overthrown in a coup instigated by the West, and how these actions had the hidden purpose of bringing destruction and devastation to Russia, few were inclined to believe that he was not just repeat-ing a mantra, but actually believed in what he said and prescribed a program of action. This essay provides a background to the steady growth of the authoritar-ian essence of the Putin regime and its growing ambitions beyond Russia’s borders and discusses what academic area studies specialists in the West and other Russia pundits generally should have been able to foresee about Russia’s aggressiveness and its upcoming assault on Ukraine. Perhaps the current situation could have been avoided, had there been a greater inclination to bring together the clues that were there and take preventive action to meet the danger

En smula självironiskt brukar jag jämföra rysslandsforskning med Hotel California, det vill säga att principen gäller att man kan checka ut från hotellet när man vill men man kan aldrig lämna stället. Själv trodde jag att jag checkade ut för ungefär tio år sedan efter ett långt ömsesidigt slitage, men lämnade jag verkligen? Även om jag i flera år i min aktiva forskning ägnade mig åt helt andra ting, tror jag åtminstone inte att jag i andras ögon någonsin lyckades ta mig från domänen. Rysslandsforskningen hade blivit en tillskriven identitet på gott och ont. Det var väl när jag insett det efter en fem-sex år i självvald exil från rysslandsforskningen som jag accepterade det till synes oundvikliga och valde att mer och mer träda in på hemmabanan igen. Det är med detta hemvändarperspektiv som jag gör nedanstående reflektioner. Jag kommer i det följande dels att teckna en bakgrund vad beträffar forskning om Ryssland och Sovjetunionen i svensk statsvetenskap, dels argumentera för varför sådan forskning fortfarande behövs och då även skissera ett antal områden som tillsammans, enligt mitt personliga sätt att se på saken, sammantaget pekar fram emot en angelägen forskningsagenda.

J. S. Mill and punishment of 'self-regarding acts'. In his famous essay On LJberty,]ohn Stuart Mill divides individual acts in two categories; acts that only harm the acting individual himself, and acts that harms other individuals. The former is called 'self-regarding acts' and the latter is called 'other-regarding acts'. There has been a long debate between famous scholars about how to interpret Mill at this point. Some argue that Mill permit that (i) only other-regarding acts could be punished, and other argue that Mill support that (ii) even self-regarding acts could be punished. I argue that Mill could not hold both of the positions at the same time, and if he does he must be guilty of a severe inconsistency. The analysis shows that interpretation (ii) is most reasonable. One conclusion that follows is that Mills liberalism is not ";radically individualistic";, it is instead a perfectionistic form of political liberalism, including both radical and communitarian ideas.

Inom nordisk, och kanske särskilt inom svensk, historisk forskning om den tidigmoderna statens utveckling har rumsliga metaforer länge spelat en framskjuten position. Frågan huruvida statsformeringsprocessen drevs ovanifrån (av aktörer inom staten och/eller olika elitgrupper) eller underifrån (med bönderna i samförstånd med de styrande) har varit källa till en aldrig sinande ström inlägg. Tvång eller interaktion är ett annat motsatspar som flitigt används för att beskriva samma förhållande. Det senaste tillskottet till denna diskussion är antologin Bringing the people back in. State building from below in the Nordic countries 1500–1800 under redaktörskap av historieprofessorer från tre länder: Knut Dørum från Norge, Mats Hallenberg från Sverige och Kimmo Katajala från Finland. Då antologin består av 19 bidrag inklusive inledning och två kommenterande texter av Michael Braddick och Marjolein t’ Hart kommer denna anmälan att fokusera på antologins utgångspunkter samt några bidrag som kan belysa det som anmälaren uppfattar vara antologins styrkor och svagheter.

The Swedish Transport Administration – a modern developer of society or a talkative Swedish man? A comparative analysis of the corporate identity and the media image in terms of representatives State authorities are increasingly concerned with brand image construction and organizational identity work. In this paper the media images of the Swedish Transport Administration in four newspapers is compared with the authority’s corporate identity, i.e. the image promoted by the authority in and through its own channels. The results show that the characteristic representative of the Swedish Transport Administration in the press is a male person with a distinctive Swedish name. This is inconsistent with the authority’s self-presentation, where the Transport Administration is constructed as a modern “developer of society” characterized by diversity and equality. This analysis results in two arguments, one suggesting that the discrepancy between the media image and the corporate identity could have a negative impact on the authority’s credibility, and the other one suggesting that state authorities would be expected to actively promote equality and diversity by a conscious selection of spokesperson.

State authorities are increasingly concerned with brand image construction and organizational identity work. In this paper the media images of the Swedish Transport Administration in four newspapers is compared with the authority’s corporate identity, i.e. the image promoted by the authority in and through its own channels. The results show that the characteristic representative of the Swedish Transport Administration in the press is a male person with a distinctive Swedish name. This is inconsistent with the authority’s self-presentation, where the Transport Administration is constructed as a modern “developer of society” characterized by diversity and equality. This analysis results in two arguments, one suggesting that the discrepancy between the media image and the corporate identity could have a negative impact on the authority’s credibility, and the other one suggesting that state authorities would be expected to actively promote equality and diversity by a conscious selection of spokesperson.

Today’s ever evolving media landscape offers a multitude of ways to consume and spread political information and opinions, especially in election times. Yet in this diverse media ecosystem, not all communication occurs in the public sphere. This study explores how the 2018 Swedish national election was discussed in a less accessible international online space associated with alt-right ideology and profoundly offensive content, with focus on how political positions were debated and expressed. The analytical approach applied sees participants in the discussions as members of an electronic tribe, which in turn is situated along an influential, yet often overlooked, hybridized flow of communication that defies previous models of analysis. Results suggest that while support for right-wing political parties and politics is prevalent on the site and is expressed using a common protocol, positions are also debated internally, sometimes adopted only to later be abandoned, highlighting the non-fixed, fleeting aspects of online existence.

Not only did a pandemic break out in 2020. There was also an outbreak of a so-called “infodemic” of previously unforeseen magnitude, as information regarding the new corona virus, both accurate and inaccurate, rapidly flooded the Internet. Among the false and misleading information that quickly started to spread, three themes were among some of the most commonly occurring: the origin of the virus, alternative medical advice, cures and treatment and the vaccine. This paper discusses the three themes based upon recent research, and argues that they were each fairly predict-able. Not only was the demand for information regarding the new virus enormous – and understandably so – but the groundwork for misinformation on the differ-ent themes had already been laid. Some of the false information therefore got off to a flying start. The paper concludes that remedies to address this kind of infor-mation suffer from the inherently very high level of uncertainty that follow signifi-cant health emergencies, which in turn sets the bar very high in terms of accurately addressing false claims.

The journalistic framing of politics as a game, as opposed to focus on the issues, has long been discussed in terms of consequences for potential voters and in the long run, democracy. Research shows that the game frame is especially prevalent in highly market-driven media systems such as in the United States, but that it also appears, albeit to a lesser degree, in systems marked by a mix of public service and commercial media, such as Sweden. This paper examines news stories in both US and Swedish media, covering the well-publicized 2020 Democratic primary election in order to elucidate patterns of journalistic framing. The results indicate that the game frame is indeed in frequent use in both systems, and that with notable exceptions, when it comes to a foreign election such as a US primary, Swedish media focuses less on the issues compared to a selection of US media.

The School Superintendent – an old role in an altered shape

The position of school superintendent, established in 1958, was abolished in 1991 as

a law-regulated position. The equivalent tasks of a superintendent were thereafter

carried out by a local government official with many different titles and a varying

set of responsibilities. However, in 2018 the position of school superintendent

was re-established in the Swedish Educational Act. The purpose of this article is to

study how school superintendents interpret the consequences of this change with

regard to their commission and role. One-third of the informants claim that the

revision of the law has not affected their daily work, while almost half believe that it

has had some effect, albeit to a small extent. Informants believe it has contributed

to a more well-defined commission, a strengthened mandate, and a clarification of

the superintendents’ responsibilities, which can be interpreted as yet an expression

of an ongoing process of re-centralization in the Swedish school sector.

Research financing with the help of chance? A study of peer review and lottery as two different selection methods for the distribution of research funds Peer review is a cornerstone of modern science. In the research funding process, the assessment of proposals is a significant factor regarding which ideas and what kind of scientific knowledge that will be furthered. However, peer review of proposals to perform research in the future raises elementary issues of rationality, efficiency, reliability and fairness. In the present paper, I will examine some of the most central problems of peer review and highlight the possible benefits of using a lottery as an alternative decision-making mechanism. The rather bold argument made in the paper is that the epistemic landscape could benefit in several respects by using random selection, thus avoiding all types of bias and other limitations associated with peer review. The benefits of a lottery would not only be that it saves time and resources, but also that it contributes to a more dynamic selection process and increases the epistemic diversity and impartiality within the academic world.

Politics as an Unobjective Game or as Objective Disagreement? Leading Politicians from The Social Democratic Party and The Moderate Party Discuss the Politics and Ideology of the Two Parties and the Swedish Party SystemThis is a study of the empirical presence of two opposite ideal types for political behavior: Politics as an Unobjective Game and Politics as Objective Disagreement. Politics as an Unobjective Game is defined by aspects such as not answering ques- tions, not telling the truth, distorting facts, ignoring complexities, backbiting and not admitting mistakes. Politics as Objective Disagreement is quite the opposite and focuses on disagreements that are real. To examine the existence of the different aspects of the two ideal types eight leading politicians from The Social Democratic Party and The Moderate Party were asked to give their view on their ideology and politics. They think that there is a greater consensus nowadays on what the scope and tasks should be for the welfare state, but they also see political and ideological differences between them regarding taxes and privatization. Their reflections are more in line with the aspects of one of the two ideal types: Politics as Objective Disagreement.

Based on present planning projects in the city of Umeå, Sweden, we will in this paper study how imaginaries of the gender equal city is presented, filled with meaning and used in place marketing with the overall ambition to discuss the possibilities and pitfalls of what we call the gender equality planning strategy. The aim of the paper is to discuss the possibilities for changing gendered power relations, as well as other power relations related to class, race and sexuality through an analysis of local initiatives for a good city. The material consists of a case study with a focuson planning projects aiming at creating equal cities, such as improving accessibility in public space, gender aware analyses of the city’s symbols and decorations etc., and includes analyses of interviews, policy documents and media reports. The theoretical framework draws on the discussion of politicization and de-politicisation(Mouffe 2005) in relation to neo-liberal forms of rule where place-making and place-branding are rationalities that risk moving conflicting dimensions in society outside both planning and politics overall.

Based on present planning projects in the city of Umeå, Sweden, we will in this paper study how imaginaries of the gender equal city is presented, filled with meaning and used in place marketing with the overall ambition to discuss the possibilities and pitfalls of what we call the gender equality planning strategy. The aim of the paper is to discuss the possibilities for changing gendered power relations, as well as other power relations related to class, race and sexuality through an analysis of local initiatives for a good city. The material consists of a case study with a focuson planning projects aiming at creating equal cities, such as improving accessibility in public space, gender aware analyses of the city’s symbols and decorations etc., and includes analyses of interviews, policy documents and media reports. The theoretical framework draws on the discussion of politicization and de-politicisation (Mouffe 2005) in relation to neo-liberal forms of rule where place-making and place-branding are rationalities that risk moving conflicting dimensions in society outside both planning and politics overall.

I denna artikel argumenterar jag mycket kortfattat för en dynamisk jämförelse istället för den inom statsvetenskapen helt dominerande statiska. Eftersom biologin sedan Darwin är pionjärvetenskapen inom området dynamiska jämförelse, samt eftersom viss institutionell teori är i darwinistisk mening evolutionär, görs några inledande försök med tekniker och program från biologin. SPSS har till del tekniker som utnyttjas av biologer, såsom hierarkisk och ickehierarkisk klusteranalys, men den kan inte tillämpas för analys av ”härstamningar” bland demokratiska institutioner, utan snarare bara för klassifikation. Faktoranalys av paneldata ger en ganska klar bild av huvudsakliga utvecklingsstigar men skapar inte kategoriska stigar utan komponenter omkring vilka variabelvärden kretsar med olika närhet. Efter att man fått viss indikation från faktoranalysen på vilka variabler som hör ihop med det undersökta variabelvärdet, kan man därefter också testa dessa variabler med stiganalys i traditionell mening. Testresultaten är lovande, men kräver för sin överlevnad vidare integrerad teori-, metod- och datautveckling.

The origin of political- economic action by means of institutional selection: Some steps toward an evolutionary political economics. This essay takes some initial steps toward an evolutionary political economics by proposing to consider social, political, economic and cultural action subject to (a) variation, (b) (institutional) selection, and (c) ‘inheritence’ in tradition, experience, investments, etc., i.e. the three preconditions for a ‘social action evolution’ of Darwinian type. It draws from a number of conceptual sources, including dynamic and non-linear models in political science, sociology, economics, economic history, research policy, and most notably 'memetics' (i.e. the new discipline created on the basis of Richard Dawkins' theory of 'memes' - culturgenes - in The Selfish Gene 1976 and The Extended Phenotype 1982), however in this text divorced from the socio-biological notion of ‘culture’ as subordinated to biology. A number of propositions are made on the basis of analogies with theoretical biology however, e.g. an analogy between Robert Dahl's theory of paths toward polyarchy (democratization) and Sewall Wright's theory of adaptive landscapes; a solution to the problem of Lamarckian evolution-of-institutions and innovations as suggested by Douglass North and other prominent scholars in evolutionary and institutional economics and technology policy; the question of rapid innovation 'arms races'; and a memetic interpretation of Schumpeterian ‘new combinations’. Since the adoption of this approach equals a paradigm shift also for political science, and we are all'interested in what such a paradigm shift will bring to our discipline, an analogy is made with Nico Tinbergen's ‘Four Evolutionary Questions Why’, i.e. his strategy for developing ethology as a new approach in biology.

The objective of this article is to argue for a closer cooperation between legal scholarship and political science, i.a., by quoting each others’ publications. It is argued that a number of shortcomings of Swedish political scientists’ analysis of corruption and its combat could have been remedied if they had taken advantage of legal literature, case law and other legal material. Legal scholarship on corruption, on the other hand, could profit from the use of empirical material and theories of political science. The two disciplines used to cooperate fruitfully – they were even intertwined 50 years ago – and time is ripe for them to renew that relationship. A number of societal currents make the analysis of corruption a field that is highly suitable for such a resumption. 

In this article, we study the legislative processes that formed the basis for how the state’s role and responsibility to protect and represent children was formulated during the 20th century based on legislative initiatives against corporal punishment. This is the backdrop for an analysis of the scheme to compensate adults that have claimed that they as children had been abused in the care of the state. As a basis for our analyzes, we have used laws and statutes, ordinances, and preparatory works in family and criminal law as well as school and social law. In the process that led up to the compensation scheme a choice was made; child abuse in the past would not be defined according to the norms set by past legislation and government ordinances to protect children from abuse, but in relation to what was believed to be common child-rearing practices. The focus shifted to current understandings of what was normal in the past as well as to how similar abuse would be treated in legal practice in current tort cases disregarding the explicit stands taken by past governments to protect children in care. The opportunity for reconciliation decreased with this development.

In this article, we study the legislative processes that formed the basis for how the state’s role and responsibility to protect and represent children was formulated dur-ing the 20th century based on legislative initiatives against corporal punishment. This is the backdrop for an analysis of the scheme to compensate adults that have claimed that they as children had been abused in the care of the state. As a basis for our ana-lyzes, we have used laws and statutes, ordinances, and preparatory works in family and criminal law as well as school and social law. In the process that led up to the com-pensation scheme a choice was made; child abuse in the past would not be defined according to the norms set by past legislation and government ordinances to protect children from abuse, but in relation to what was believed to be common child-rearing practices. The focus shifted to current understandings of what was normal in the past as well as to how similar abuse would be treated in legal practice in current tort cases disregarding the explicit stands taken by past governments to protect children in care. The opportunity for reconciliation decreased with this development

Swedish Political Science: a bibliometric analysis. Citations, productivity measures and rankings have become reality in modern university life. Many of the bibliometric reports presented by ranking institutes and non-professional bibliometricians are flawed due to methodologically unsound procedures. This article discusses three important methodological problems involved in bibliometric studies: 1) number of personnel at university departments; 2) counting of articles from these departments; and 3) counting of citations to these articles. Relating to earlier research (Hix, 2004) it is shown that the counting of personnel - a very important reference value - can be conducted in several different ways. Following Dale & Goldfinch (2005) we discuss the limitation to political science journals proposed by Hix. There is a large influx of non political scientist to the area and a similar outflow of political scientists to other journal categories (e.g. environmental studies). Therefore, the proposed limitation is questioned. Implementing advanced methods for field normalized citation scores (van Raan, 2004) we conclude the article with an analysis of Swedish university departments in political science during the period 1998-2005. The result is a promising 33 per cent better citation scores than the world average, but the downside is a low number of articles per researcher.

Swedish Political Science: a bibliometric analysis. Citations, productivity measures and rankingshave become reality in modern university life. Many of the bibliometric reportspresented by ranking institutes and non-professional bibliometricians are flawed dueto methodologically unsound procedures. This article discusses three important methodologicalproblems involved in bibliometric studies: 1) number of personnel at universitydepartments; 2) counting of articles from these departments; and 3) countingof citations to these articles. Relating to earlier research (Hix, 2004) it is shown thatthe counting of personnel - a very important reference value - can be conducted inseveral different ways. Following Dale & Goldfinch (2005) we discuss the limitationto political science journals proposed by Hix. There is a large influx of non politicalscientist to the area and a similar outflow of political scientists to other journal categories(e.g. environmental studies). Therefore, the proposed limitation is questioned.Implementing advanced methods for field normalized citation scores (van Raan,2004) we conclude the article with an analysis of Swedish university departments inpolitical science during the period 1998-2005. The result is a promising 33 per centbetter citation scores than the world average, but the downside is a low number of articlesper researcher.

Propremiar or pro-president? On the distinction between parliamentarism, presitentialism and semi-presidentialism. From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central and Eastern Europe and also from the longstanding debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been and continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms and therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiär (premier-presidentialism) and pro-president systems (presidentparliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorising constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems and try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region and democratisation.