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  • 301.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Breivik hyllar Sveriges slappa attityd mot högerextremisterna2014In: Sydsvenska Dagbladet, ISSN 1104-0068, no 10 september, p. 5-6Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 302.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    En röd Gud: För Stasi var marxism-leninism förenligt med religion2013In: Sydsvenskan, ISSN 1652-814X, no 28 maj, p. 5-5Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 303. Andersson, Christoph
    Herr och fru Felber: Pensionärer i Tyskland1992In: Pensionär i EG / [ed] Alice Hafn, Stockholm: Brevskolan , 1992, p. 26-35Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 304. Andersson, Christoph
    Historien om PUL - ett drama i elva akter2000In: 7:16 - och andra hot mot öppenheten: Om offentlighet och sekretess i Sverige och EU En debattbok från Statstjänstemannaförbundet / [ed] Eva Spira, Ann Dahlin, Stockholm: Statsjänstemannaförbundet , 2000, p. 13-46Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 305.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Discourse Studies, Journalism.
    Kampen om gatan, skallarna och parlamenten: Christoph Andersson följer spåren till Tyskland2006In: Scoop - tidskrift för grävande journalistik, ISSN 1652-2591, no 2, p. 27-46Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 306.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Discourse Studies, Journalism.
    Med extremhögern som vågmästare: Christoph Andersson synar ultrahögern i ett svenskt parlament2008In: Scoop - tidskrift för grävande journalistik, ISSN 1652-2591, no 4, p. 99-134Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 307.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    NSU-rättegången i München: Spåret leder till Sverige2014In: Sydsvenska Dagbladet, ISSN 1104-0068, no 8 maj, p. 6-7Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 308.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    NSU-rättegången: Nazisten som tiger2013In: Sydsvenska Dagbladet, ISSN 1104-0068, no 14 augusti, p. 4-5Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 309. Andersson, Christoph
    Om turkar1986Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 310.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Operation Norrsken: om Stasi och Sverige under Kalla kriget2013Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Före Berlinmurens fall var DDR och dess ökända säkerhetstjänst Stasi en maktfaktor i Europa. Journalisten Christoph Andersson har grävt i arkiven och hittat uppgifter om dess svenska kopplingar.På 80-talet ville regeringen Palme exportera svensk kärnvapenteknologi till DDR. Ärendet var kontroversiellt, men den enda som började nysta i frågan var Rapportjournalisten Cats Falck. Hon upp­täckte ett mystiskt östtyskt företag som skulle vara mellanhand. I november 1984 försvann hon spårlöst och hittades senare död.Lika mystiskt dog krigsmaterielinspektören Carl Algernon. Det var under efterdyningarna av Bofors omstridda export av krut och sprängämnen till Iran via DDR. Men också efter att Bofors i hemlighet tillverkat krut till östtyska folkarméns Kalasjnikovgevär. Även här figurerade ett mystiskt östtyskt företag. I båda affärerna hade DDR:s säkerhetstjänst Stasi sina fingrar med i spelet. Stasi gav sig även in i frågan om immunsjukdomen aids. Målet var att få aids att framstå som ett hemligt amerikanskt bio­logiskt vapen. Filmregissören Roy Andersson var snabb att svälja betet och bakade in idéerna i en upplysningsfilm, bekostad av Socialstyrelsen.Men den kanske största Stasioperationen blev en flopp. Den gick under namnet Operation Norrsken och skulle kompromettera det svenska kungahuset för dess gamla förbindelser med Nazityskland. Allt avblåstes i sista stund när Stasi och DDR insåg att det fanns pengar att tjäna. Närmare bestämt genom att göra ljusskygga affärer med svenska Asea, Bofors - och den socialdemokratiska regeringen Palme.

  • 311. Andersson, Christoph
    Reportage från ett enat Tyskland1992Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 312.
    Andersson, Christoph
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Släpp in Stasis offer i arkiven: Stasis offer i Sverige får bara insyn i Tyskland - öppna de svenska arkiven för alla2013In: Expressen, ISSN 1103-923X, no 15 maj, p. 4-Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 313. Andersson, Christoph
    Välkommen till Brandenburg: delstaten med EU-anpassad insyn2000In: 7:16 - och andra hot mot öppenheten: Om offentlighet och sekretess i Sverige och EU En debattbok från Statstjänstemannaförbundet / [ed] Eva Spira, Ann Dahlin, Stockholm: Statstjänstemannaförbundet , 2000, p. 81-92Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 314.
    Andersson, Emmelie
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Centre for Societal Security, Analysis.
    Fors, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Centre for Societal Security, Analysis.
    Koraeus, Mats
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Centre for Societal Security, Analysis.
    När myren blir som fnöske: En utvärdering av Fortifikationsverkets hantering av skogsbränderna 20182019Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Under sommaren 2018 utbröt ett stort antal skogsbränder runt om i Sverige på grund av det ihållande varma och torra vädret. Bränder uppstod även på flera av Fortifikationsverkets fastigheter. Den största brandutvecklingen skedde på Älvdalens skjutfält i Dalarna och krävde en gemensam insats från kommunala räddningstjänsten, Fortifikationsverkets egen personal, Försvarsmakten, Hemvärnet och frivilliga för att hantera. Som fastighetsägare ansvarade Fortifikationsverket främst för eftersläcknings- och bevakningsarbete. Fortifikationsverkets hantering av bränderna innehöll många positiva delar: initiativförmåga, improvisation och engagemang. Människor ville och kunde göra en insats. Alla dessa är viktiga komponenter i krishantering. Då detta är en av de största händelserna som Fortifikationsverket har fått hantera så har det lett till en rad nya kunskaper och erfarenheter som kan bidra till att utveckla myndighetens krisberedskap, men också till totalförsvarsplaneringen.

    Fortifikationsverket gav Försvarshögskolans Centrum för totalförsvar och samhällets säkerhet (FHS/CTSS) i uppdrag att dels utvärdera myndighetens insats i hanteringen av skogsbränderna vid Älvdalens skjutfält, och dels myndighetens generella förmåga att hantera uppkomna kriser. Underlaget till utvärderingen består dels av en analys av de dokument som togs fram under insatsen, av myndighetens instruktioner och planer samt av gällande författningar. Därtill har intervjuer genomförts med medarbetare och chefer inom Fortifikationsverket som satt på viktiga krisledningsfunktioner vid insatsen, samt med räddningstjänsten som samverkade med Fortifikationsverket under bränderna. Utvärderingen har resulterat i ett antal slutsatser och rekommendationer som presenteras kortfattat nedan. Rapporten har även kompletterats med en bilaga, ”Typfall skogsbrand”. Bilagan består av ett scenario där utbredda skogsbränder drabbar Fortifikationsverkets fastigheter och olika situationer uppstår som måste hanteras av myndigheten. Därutöver finns en checklista som kan fungera som stöd både före, under och efter en händelse, till exempel en skogsbrand. Bilagan är tänkt att användas till utbildning, övning och planering.

  • 315.
    Andersson, Emmy
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Irans kvinnor: Och deras möjligheter till politisk påverkan2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the actual political conditions that exist for the Iranian women. What is the political reality of the Iranian women and how can they exert political influence within the political system that exists in Iran today. This is done to see how the Iranian women's potential political influence affects Iran's democratic status. This will be answered through the overall research question: What opportunities do the Iranian women have to influence policy? This overall question is then split into three smaller research questions:

    1) What formal possibilities to political influence do the Iranian women have?

    2) What real possibilities to political influence do the Iranian women have?

    3) How have women in Iran tried to exert political influence outside the institutional framework?

    This will be done through a qualitative text analysis where texts concerning the Iranian women’s political influence are examined. The theoretical basis for the study is Dahl's theories of an ideal democracy and polyarchy together with radical and liberal feminism.

    The Iranian women have many formal rights and opportunities for political influence given by the Constitution but these are not transferred to reality. The Iranian women have also been active in various political actions to influence their situations and the policies of the country. Because of the fact that women are underrepresented in political institutions, prevented from standing for all political offices and that the government exercises strong control over both women and society Iran cannot be considered to meet Dahl's five criteria for an ideal democracy or the seven institutions necessary for polyarchy. Therefore Iran cannot be regarded as an ideal democracy or as a polyarchy. According to radical and liberal feminism Iran also has a patriarchal political system with a society that supports the male dominance over its women.

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  • 316.
    Andersson, Erik
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    The pedagogical political participation model (the 3P-M) for exploring, explaining and affecting young people’s political participation2017In: Journal of Youth Studies, ISSN 1367-6261, E-ISSN 1469-9680, Vol. 20, no 10, p. 1346-1361Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In young people’s political participation in public decision-making, research and youth policy may benefit from a participation model that is pedagogical and sensitive to context. Due to the limitations of established participation models, the pedagogical political participation model (referred to here as the 3P-M) is suggested. The 3P-M is a theoretical and methodologically embedded model that builds on three observations: (1) that young people (as a category) are always presented as dependent on and subordinate to adults (decision-makers) in public decision-making, (2) that participation cannot be quantitatively measured without being normative and insensitive to context and (3) that different types of pedagogical leadership determine what kind of political participation is possible. The 3P-M offers an analytical framework for practitioners, policymakers and researchers to identify, explain and affect public pedagogical settings and situations in which young people politically participate.

  • 317.
    Andersson, Filip
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Radikala högerpopulistiska partier i Västeuropa: Ett enhetligt recept på framgång?2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Since the 1990s the support for the populist radical right parties has steadily increased. This essay investigates if there is a common policy preference among this party-family that makes them successful, irrespective of each party’s national belonging. This is achieved by utilising a time-series cross-sectional data from the Comparative Manifesto Project. These data range between 1990-2018 and includes 13 different West-European countries. Five different hypotheses containing different policy preferences are tested through multiple regression analysis. The essay concludes that the previously commonly accepted winning formula containing a positive view on welfare, emphasis on authoritarian values and nativism does not hold up. Furthermore, the essay concludes that national context has a decisive role of which policy preference is successful. The common successful policy preference among the populist radical right is their promotion of authoritarian values together with an emphasis on eliminating political corruption and clientelist behaviour (populism). This is explained by societal value changes with major clashing groups in the society, making the authoritarian values a successful policy preference irrespective of national context.

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  • 318.
    Andersson, Fredrik
    et al.
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, Political Science.
    Åhlander, Pia
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, Political Science.
    Tillbaka till framtiden: Fyra scenarier för EU:s framtid efter eurokrisen2011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The starting point of this study is theories of European integration, which are used to formulate different scenarios about the future of the European Union. This is made in regards to the eurocrisis which has intensified the discussion about how to change the construction of the euro to overcome the economic difficulties that has arisen. In this study, four different scenarios are presented: "An updated Europe", "A new Europe", "The death of the euro" and "Goodbye Greece". The first two scenarios takes its starting point in the neofunctionalist theory of European integration and describes how the EU might increase its level of integration in different ways. We can either see a development where the EU tries to improve the implementation of the rules that are meant to coordinate the member states’ economic policy, or we might encounter a more advanced integration where fiscal policy competences are transferred to the EU-level.

    The latter scenarios, however, takes another theory in to account, liberal intergovernmentalism, and describes how the eurozone might be fragmented in different ways due to conflicts of interest between lenders and countries that has to receive loan-packages. In the third scenario the euro stands in front of a collapse. This is connected to a situation where Spain, which is one of the largest economies in the EU, is starting to have similar problems as countries like Grecce, Ireland and Portugal. The fourth scenario describes a more ordered progress where Grecce, as part of a joint decision with the other EU-members, decides to abolish the euro as their currency. This is a way for the EU to reduce its economic burden, in the same time as Greece are given an opportunity to use an independent monetary policy to cope with their problematic situation.

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    Tillbaka till framtiden
  • 319.
    Andersson, Gabriella
    et al.
    University West, Department of Social and Behavioural Studies, Division for Educational Science and Languages.
    Viker, Frida
    University West, Department of Social and Behavioural Studies, Division for Educational Science and Languages.
    Argumentationens grunder i media: En argumentationsanalys om beviskraft, faktualitet och normativitet2017Independent thesis Basic level (professional degree), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Bakgrund: Denna studie har, utifrån argumentationsanalys, undersökt sex ledare med temat extremism från tre morgontidningar, utifrån en tidsaktuell kontext. Temat valdes framförallt på grund av att det planerades en nazistisk demonstration utanför Svenska Mässan under bokmässan i Göteborg. Avsikten med valet av tema är för att knyta ämnet till en aktuell samhällsdebatt som tydligt presenterades i tidningarnas ledare, vilket gav både relevans och hållbarhet till det valda temat. Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att göra en argumentationsanalys på sex ledarsidor från tre morgontidningars hemsidor. Det är ledarnas normativitet och faktualitet tillsammans med argumentationens beviskraft som kommer vara målet för analysen. Det som är intressant är att få fram hur beviskraften kan påverkas av hur normativ respektive faktuell ledaren är, och också hur olika ledares argumentationer kan få olika beviskrafter. Samt se hur många argument som inte bara är faktuella utan också vilar på en vetenskaplig grund. Metod: Argumentanalysen används för att undersöka varje arguments hållbarhet och relevans, samt den slutliga beviskraften för hela ledaren. Analysen kollar på grunden som sätts för ett argument och hur detta påverkar argumentets hållbarhet, samt hur det presenteras i ledaren. Medan relevansen undersöks genom att både kolla på hur argumentet passar ihop med både hela ledarens slutsats och i samband med de andra argumenten i samma ledare. Resultat: Resultatet visar på att de flesta ledarna är normativa. Mellan ledarna återfinns både likheter och skillnader, dessa tar sig i olika former beroende på vilket huvudfokus ledarna har, samt vad för grunder de har till sina argument.

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  • 320. Andersson, Hans
    Demokratins bekymmer i en mer gränslös värld2005In: Det hyperindividualiserade samhället / [ed] Ulf Bjereld, Umeå: Boréa , 2005, p. 155-179Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 321. Andersson, Hans
    Flyktingpolitiken i framtidens EU2003Report (Other academic)
  • 322. Andersson, Hans
    Har USA-kongressen abdikerat?2002In: Internationella Studier, ISSN 0020-952X, no 1, p. 7-13Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 323.
    Andersson, Hans
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Homo Nordicus?: Om danska, norska och svenska tjänstemäns och förtroendevaldas identiteter2001Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 324. Andersson, Hans
    Hur gemensam är EU:s ’gemensamma’ flyktingpolitik?2002In: Forskning om Europafrågor vid Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Göteborgs universitet / [ed] Rutger Lindahl, Birgitta Jännebring, Göteborg: Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Göteborgs universitet, , 2002Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 325.
    Andersson, Hans
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Liberal Intergovernmentalism, spillover and supranational immigration policy.2016In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 51, no 1, p. 38-54Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    That the Lisbon Treaty lays the foundation for a supranational asylum and immigration policyis surprising, even more so for Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI), whose founder AndrewMoravcsik predicts that no such development will take place. While the article uses LI as its pointof departure, it shows that it runs into problems with regards to the policy area of asylum andimmigration. The article therefore turns to the (neo-)functionalist concept of spillover. Whileworking with the concept, it was deemed necessary to create a more coherent typology ofdifferent spillovers. The article suggests that the concept of spillover may be both descriptiveand explanatory. With regards to descriptive spillover, it seems valuable to differentiate betweenwidening and deepening spillovers, but concerning explanatory spillovers, more options becamevisible: there are unintended or intended functional spillovers, as well as unintended political,cultivated and social spillovers. The argument is illustrated through a detailed study of Sweden – a‘reluctant European’ that within the area of asylum and immigration made a fundamental U-turnwith regards to a supranationalism, a change that can be described as a social spillover.

  • 326.
    Andersson, Hans
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Regeringsformen och överlåtande av beslutanderätt2009In: Juridisk Tidskrift, ISSN 1100-7761, no 2, p. -377Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 327. Andersson, Hans
    Schengensamarbetet2001In: NationalencyklopedinArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 328.
    Andersson, Hans
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Spänningen mellan barnkonventionen och den reglerade invandringen2010In: Mellan det förflutna och framtiden: asylsökande barns välfärd, hälsa och välbefinnande / [ed] Hans E Andersson, Göteborg: Centrum för Europaforskning, Göteborgs universitet (CERGU) , 2010, p. 39-62Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 329. Andersson, Hans
    Sweden: a Mainstream Member State and a Part of Norden2000In: Sweden and the European Union Evaluated / [ed] Lee Miles, London: Continuum , 2000, p. 215-230Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 330.
    Andersson, Hans
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Vad är överstatlighet?2009In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, no 4, p. 375-384Article, review/survey (Refereed)
  • 331.
    Andersson, Hans
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    What Activates an Identity?: The Case of Norden2010In: International Relations, ISSN 0047-1178, E-ISSN 1741-2862, Vol. 24, no 1, p. 46-64Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite a general acknowledgement that knowledge about identities is essential for understanding international relations, surprisingly little has been written about what actually activates one of a state’s many identities and not another. More generally, the article suggests that situational relevance and commitment are of importance. More specifically, it is suggested that a policy area’s legitimisation is a factor that may affect the commitment to a collective identity. The argument is illustrated by the case of ‘Norden’, as the inhabitants of Denmark, Iceland, Norway and Sweden call their territory. The end of the Cold War and Sweden and Finland joining Denmark in the European Union (EU) put Nordic identity under severe stress in the beginning of the 1990s. As shown, this collective identity was intensely active in the case of the Nordic Passport Union, but less so in the case of environmental negotiations.

  • 332.
    Andersson, Hans
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Överstatlig flyktingpolitik: Staters samarbete inom suveränitetskänsliga områden2008Book (Other academic)
  • 333.
    Andersson, Hans
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Ascher, HenryEastmond, MaritaBjörnberg, Ulla
    Mellan det förflutna och framtiden: asylsökande barns välfärd, hälsa och välbefinnande2010Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 334. Andersson, Hans
    et al.
    Ascher, HenryMellander, LottaEastmond, MaritaBjörnberg, Ulla
    The Asylum-seeking Child in Europe2005Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 335.
    Andersson, Hans
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Nilsson, Susanna
    Asylum Seekers and Undocumented Migrants’ Increased Social Rights in Sweden2011In: International migration (Geneva. Print), ISSN 0020-7985, E-ISSN 1468-2435, Vol. 11, no 4, p. 167-188Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The most direct way to regulate immigration is to decrease the possibilities to reach a state’s territory through visa demands, carrier sanctions, and limiting the chances of granting a residence permit even when a person succeeds in reaching a state’s territory. However, during the last decade several scholars noted that in an attempt to decrease the number of asylum seekers, states have also started to curb asylum seekers and undocumented immigrants’ right to work and social benefits. Intriguingly, even though Sweden has followed this international pattern of using direct ways to curb the number of asylum seekers, this paper shows that to a large extent Sweden has abstained from using the more recent indirect methods. Although there are examples of reductions in social benefits, the trend has generally been the reverse in Sweden. Unexpectedly, we suggest that an economic crisis, such as the one that occurred in Sweden in the early 1990s, may lead to an increase of certain rights. We also discuss a number of possible explanations for the Swedish case, including whether a proportional electoral system creates possibilities for small parties to influence policies pertaining to social rights. Furthermore, since we demonstrate that in recent years children have been the primary beneficiaries of an increase in social rights, we suggest that groups perceived to be vulnerable are more likely to experience an increase in social rights.

  • 336.
    Andersson, Helen
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lobbyism bland ungdomsorganisationer: Nya former av påverkan i politiska processer2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Youth organizations in Sweden try to be a reliable part in the political agenda, to change and improve how the politics affect youths. This study aims to clarify how four different youth organizations work with their political questions: from hbtq-perspective and children’s rights to the right to hearing-aid and involvement in questions regarding youths. The method used for the study was both a comparative study of how the organizations work to improve and change the Swedish political agenda for the better, and interviews with the chairpersons of the four youth organizations for a bigger transparency in their methods.

    The results of this study are that there aren’t any strategy or method to affect and change how the political agenda works. Even though each of the four organizations are successful within their own area of expertise, it’s not always possible to apply the same methods on another organization with another structure.

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  • 337.
    Andersson, Helena
    Swedish Defence University.
    Barents hav: En studie i rysk och norsk strategi och marina styrkeförhållanden2013Independent thesis Basic level (professional degree), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Trettiofem mil från den svenska gränsen börjar havsgränsen genom Barents hav mellan Ryssland och Norge. Under kalla kriget var denna gräns en skiljelinje mellan öst och väst. En ökad arktisk klimatpåverkan och smältande havsisar leder till nya ekonomiskt värdefulla fyndigheter i området. Detta frigör nya havsområden för de arktiska länderna att exploatera. Ekonomiska intressen leder till ökad militär verksamhet.  

    Studien belyser det säkerhetspolitiska läget i Barents hav mellan de två största aktörerna i området, Norge och Ryssland. Ländernas olika förhållningssätt och ageranden i Barentsområdet beskrivs i ländernas arktiska strategier och utrikespolitiska linjer, som i studien jämförs med en kvalitativ textanalys. Utifrån detta görs en styrkeanalys av ländernas marina enheter. Syftet med studien är att belysa eventuella likheter och olikheter i ländernas strategier, samt att jämföra ländernas marina medel kopplat till respektive strategi. Detta för att undersöka om syftet med de marina medlen följer den uttalade politik som förs. 

    Resultatet visar att det finns många olikheter, men även många likheter mellan de två ländernas strategier. Likheterna framträder till största del i den civila och ekonomiska strategin och olikheterna främst i den militära. Enligt studien ligger tyngdpunkten i den norska marinen i fartyg av mindre storlek, trots marinens procentuellt sätt stora andel oceangående fartyg. Den ryska marinens tyngdpunkt ligger i ubåtsförmågan och främst i den strategiska. Utöver detta visar studien att de använda marina medlen enbart till viss del följer den politik som förs och att detta skulle kunna leda till konsekvenser för det politiska projektets genomförande.   

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    Barents hav-En studie i rysk och norsk strategi och marina styrkeförhållanden
  • 338.
    Andersson, Henrik
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Håfström Dehdari, Sirus
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Stockholm Univ, Swedish Inst Social Res, Stockholm, Sweden..
    Workplace Contact and Support for Anti-Immigration Parties2021In: American Political Science Review, ISSN 0003-0554, E-ISSN 1537-5943, Vol. 115, no 4, p. 1159-1174Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How does an increased presence of immigrants in the workplace affect anti-immigration voting behavior? While cooperative interactions between natives and immigrants can reduce intergroup prejudice, immigrant coworkers might be regarded as a threat to native-born workers’ labor market position. We combine detailed Swedish workplace data with precinct-level election outcomes for a large anti-immigration party (the Sweden Democrats) to study how the share of non-Europeans in the workplace affects opposition to immigration. We show that the share of non-Europeans in the workplace has a negative effect on support for the Sweden Democrats and that this effect is solely driven by same-skill contact in small workplaces. We interpret these results as supporting the so-called contact hypothesis: that increased interactions with minorities can reduce opposition to immigration among native-born voters, which, in turn, leads to lower support for anti-immigration parties.

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    fulltext
  • 339.
    Andersson, Henrik
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Jutvik, Kristoffer
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Påverkar nationell migrationspolitik flyktingflöden?2019In: Ekonomisk Debatt, ISSN 0345-2646, Vol. 47, no 3, p. 5-17Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Många europeiska länder har under de senaste åren infört en allt restriktivare migrationspolitik. Sverige är inget undantag. Men vilken effekt har egentligen nationalstaters asylpolitik på flyktingströmmar? Trots den ökande betydelsen av nationell migrationspolitik är det nuvarande kunskapsläget om huruvida, och i så fall hur snabbt, migranter reagerar på policyförändringar relativt begränsat. Tidigare studier tenderar att använda årliga data och nationella jämförelser, vilket gör resultaten svårtolkade. Mot denna bakgrund använder vi högfrek-venta data och undersöker hur antalet syriska asylsökande till Sverige föränd-rades till följd av en plötslig policyförändring, som innebar att asylsökande från Syrien tilldelades permanenta i stället för temporära uppehållstånd.

  • 340.
    Andersson, Henrik
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Jutvik, Kristoffer
    Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Påverkar nationell migrationspolitik flyktingflöden?2019In: Ekonomisk Debatt, ISSN 0345-2646, Vol. 47, no 3, p. 5-17Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Många europeiska länder har under de senaste åren infört en allt restriktivare migrationspolitik. Sverige är inget undantag. Men vilken effekt har egentligen nationalstaters asylpolitik på flyktingströmmar? Trots den ökande betydelsen av nationell migrationspolitik är det nuvarande kunskapsläget om huruvida, och i så fall hur snabbt, migranter reagerar på policyförändringar relativt begränsat. Tidigare studier tenderar att använda årliga data och nationella jämförelser, vilket gör resultaten svårtolkade. Mot denna bakgrund använder vi högfrek-venta data och undersöker hur antalet syriska asylsökande till Sverige föränd-rades till följd av en plötslig policyförändring, som innebar att asylsökande från Syrien tilldelades permanenta i stället för temporära uppehållstånd.

  • 341.
    Andersson, Henrik
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for Housing and Urban Research.
    Lajevardi, Nazita
    Lindgren, Karl-Oskar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Oskarsson, Sven
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Effects of Settlement into Ethnic Enclaves on Immigrant Voter Turnout2022In: Journal of Politics, ISSN 0022-3816, E-ISSN 1468-2508, Vol. 84, no 1, p. 578-584Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What is the effect of residing in ethnic enclaves on immigrants’ future political participation? We study a comprehensive refugee placement reform that was implemented in Sweden in the mid-1980s in combination with unique individual-level turnout data to study the causal effect of being settled in neighborhoods with a high residential concentration of coethnics on immigrants’ future probability of voting. We find little evidence that ethnic concentration per se affects voter turnout. On average, newly arrived immigrants were equally likely to vote whether they were placed in a neighborhood with many or few coethnics. Further analyses, however, indicate that the effect of ethnic concentration depends on the degree of political integration among previously settled coethnics; ethnic concentration increases turnout among the newly immigrated when they are placed with already politically integrated coethnics. These results underscore the conditions under which the political socialization of immigrant newcomers is enhanced in ethnic enclaves.

  • 342.
    Andersson, Ida
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    En studie som behandlar diskriminering av "de andra" i media: Artiklar i Dagens Nyheter, utgivna mellan åren 2005-2006 som berör bostadsområdet Rinkeby utgör det empiriska studiet2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 343.
    Andersson, Irene
    Malmö högskola, School of Teacher Education (LUT), Individual and Society (IS).
    Women's Unarmed Uprising Against War: A Swedish Peace Protest in 19352003In: Journal of Peace Research, ISSN 0022-3433, E-ISSN 1460-3578, Vol. 40, no 4, p. 395-412Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    During the summer of 1935, approximately 20,000 Swedish women mobilized in a peaceful action - the Women's Unarmed Uprising Against War. The manifestation was a protest against rearmament and, in particular, against a militarization of everyday life that might result from a civil defense buildup. Thus, in a spirit of solidarity; women were encouraged to refuse to use gas masks or evacuate into cellars and air-raid shelters in the event of an air raid. Only then would men realize their responsibility; lay down their weapons, and solve the conflict at the negotiating table, the action was connected to a radical pacifistic tradition in which male conscientious objectors, among others, and the example of Gandhi were prominent. Liberal and Social Democrat women and members of the Swedish section of the Women?s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) carried out the action. The action was formulated in such a manner that women across the country were asked to vote for those who could serve in a women?s parliament. The goal was to create an international uprising among women by influencing the League of Nations? delegates and the women?s organizations in Geneva. In the same year, the central body of WILPF had decided to support an international peace plan, the People?s Mandate to End War. The mandate's aim was to present demands for disarmament to governments in different countries. This article examines why the Swedish women assumed a more radical position than that stated in the people?s mandate; what kinds of peace efforts in Sweden made such a radical, pacifistic women?s action possible; and what went on when the initiators attempted to influence WILPF, on an international level, into incorporating the radical protest into the people?s mandate campaign.

  • 344.
    Andersson, Isabella
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mining for the low-carbon transition: Conflicting discourses of sacrifice zones and win-win narratives2021Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    To support the transition towards a low-carbon economy, mining companies, international financial institutions and governments are preparing to drastically scale up mineral extraction of energy transition minerals such as cobalt and lithium. Mineral extraction, however, has far-reaching impacts on the biophysical environment and mining-affected communities that may become more severe under a changing climate. In May 2019, the World Bank sought to respond to these challenges with the launch of its climate-smart mining Facility, evoking critique from non-governmental organisations working in solidarity with frontline communities. Drawing on poststructuralist political ecology and discourse analysis, this study examines the conflicting narratives on mining for the energy transition and interrogates the political solutions made conceivable through these narratives. Utilizing documents by proponents and opponents of the climate-smart mining Facility, and semi-structured interviews, the analysis reveals two contrasting discourses on mining for the energy transition, problematising climate change as a problem of rising CO2 emissions, and as a social justice problem rooted in global inequality respectively. These distinct conceptualisations generate three key and overlapping tensions, relating to (i) global versus local priorities, (ii) mitigation and adaptation, and (iii) socio-technical versus socio-political transformations. By highlighting these discursive processes, the results aid our understanding in how mining is made salient in the carbon constrained future, and which actors are likely to benefit and be harmed by the promotion of climate-smart mining. 

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    Andersson2021
  • 345.
    Andersson, Jan
    Uppsala University, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Yttrandefrihetens dilemman: Debatten om hetspropaganda, mediekoncentration samt personlig integritet mellan 1940- och 2000-tal2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis focuses on different types of value conflicts that have been actualized by proposals of legislation on freedom of speech. The thesis analyses three different debates which each relate to a different type of value conflict. An important objective of the study is to discern what fundamental values underlie the concern for upholding freedom of speech in a democratic society. Those fundamental values have been formulated as three type-arguments: the argument from democracy, the argument from truth, and the argument from autonomy respectively.

    The first type of free speech dilemma is represented by the debate around a legal clause on the prohibition of racist hate speech. The second type of free speech dilemma is illustrated by the debate on the concentration of the Swedish media. The third type of dilemma concerns the conflict between the law against the spreading of information regarding the individual on the Internet, and the constitutional right of information.

    The findings of the thesis includes that the argument from democracy has been the most prominently invoked in the debates. However, most often the argument from democracy is used in a rather unprecise manner, and there occurs a quite frequent conflation of the concept of democracy with several other values considered important, e.g. the right not to be discriminated against. The prospects of finding a “unified” free speech theory in which all the type-arguments for free speech can be brought together does not seem good. The arguments for free speech are interdependent and can be ultimately assessed only in the context of a broader theory of the democratic system. Here it is argued that the theory of “deliberative democracy” in comparison with rival conceptions of democracy offers some valuable tools for a better interpretation of the conception of the right to free speech in a democratic system.

  • 346.
    Andersson, Jan Joel
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government. European Union Inst Secur Studies, Paris, France.;Old Dominion Univ, Grad Program Int Studies, Norfolk, VA USA.;Univ Stockholm, S-10691 Stockholm, Sweden.;Swedish Natl Def Coll, Stockholm, Sweden..
    The Race To The Bottom: Submarine Proliferation and International Security2015In: NAVAL WAR COLLEGE REVIEW, ISSN 0028-1484, Vol. 68, no 1, p. 13-29Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 347. Andersson, Jan Joel
    et al.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Europa som utrikespolitisk aktör: Framgångar och misslyckanden 20102011Report (Other academic)
  • 348. Andersson, Jan Joel
    et al.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Lundborg, Tom
    Obamas USA eller Romneys?2012Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 349.
    Andersson, Jenny
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Department of History of Science and Ideas. SciencesPo CNRS.
    Between Growth and Security. Swedish Social Democracy from a Strong Society to a Third Way. 2006Book (Refereed)
  • 350.
    Andersson, Jenny
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Department of History of Science and Ideas. SciencesPo CNRS.
    Losing social democracy: Reflections on a paradigmatic case2014In: European social democracy during the global economic crisis:: renovation or resignation? / [ed] David Bailey; Jean-Michel De Waele; Fabien Escalona; Mathieu Vieira, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014, p. 116-131Chapter in book (Refereed)
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