Change search
Refine search result
1234567 151 - 200 of 737
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 151.
    Eklund, Fanny
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Verksamhetsförändring: Sociologiska perspektiv på implementeringen av barnkonventionen inom BVC2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims to create an understanding of how employees relate to directives that come from a level above them in the hierarchy and is to be implemented in their working activities. This is studied by examining a case where a work group has tried to implement orders, given to them by the government and through a work group in the level above them in the organizations, concerning how employees working with child health care is to educate parents regarding the child convention. The method that have been use in this study is group interviews with 19 child health care nurses and the two main questions that are asked is why has it been difficult to implement the orders and how have the child health care nurses expressed their resistance to the changes, this since only five of the nurses had begun working with the child convention. The theories that have been used focus on how resistance towards change is expressed, organizational incapability and reluctance towards change, as well as how grass root bureaucrats relates to change. The conclusion that can be drawn from this study is that it is important to let the concerned parties participate from the beginning of the process, to minimize their reluctance to the changing process. The result also showed that it’s not easy for them to change the way they work, since they also value the parents interests to be educated. In a future studies it will be of interest to ask why they value the parents interest as much as they do.

  • 152.
    Eklöf, Johanna
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    "Jag tycker att det är religiöst. Jag försöker att undvika det": - En uppsats om religion och tradition i det postmoderna Sverige -2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In the more individualistic postmodern society there is a noticeable decrease in religiosity amongst young adults in Sweden. In this thesis religion and tradition has been discussed with four focus groups to understand the reason behind this phenomenon. Their discussions have been analysed through the analytical tools of Bauman’s theories about the liquid society and Durkheim’s theories of religion as a reflection if society in a discussion about religiosity as a result of consumerism and tradition as a security. The postmodern society is orientated around the individual who expresses her individuality through consumerism. As a result, competition on the market regarding which products and favors people should use, have risen. However, the market value of religion is low, yet, tradition holds a high value as it produces a sense of community in a liquid modernity. It is tradition rather than religion that is a factor of socialization and produces an “us” versus “them” feeling that is visible in postmodern Sweden. 

  • 153.
    Ekström, Kristina
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Linnaeus University, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Department of Media and Journalism.
    Kommunikation från organisation till målgrupp: En undersökning om en NGOs kommunikationsarbete i Tanzania2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 154.
    El Berr, Luisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Regime Survival during the Arab Spring:: A Case study of how the Moroccan leader addressed the popular discontent during and after the Arab Spring in 20112017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The Arab Spring, the protests that spread through the Arab world, led to very different outcomes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. That some regimes survived during the Arab Spring and some experienced regime-change has been explained through political, economic and social perspectives. This desk-study investigates how the Moroccan government addressed popular discontent during and after the Arab spring in 2011. In order to examine the case study through a new theoretical angle, this research applies the Theory of Policy Substitutability by Amy Oakes (2012) to the chosen case study. This study identifies that the Moroccan government used political reform, repression, a sort of economic reform and the use of cultural symbols were put in place to lower the intensity of protests. The findings underline that the government used a number of tactics that can be analyzed through the concept of diversionary tactics, meaning the diversion from internal struggle.

     

    This research adds value to the discussion about regime survival in the case of the Moroccan Arab Spring not only by applying the Theory of PS as a structuring device for existing explanations of regime survival, it furthermore adds value by giving an example of how scholars can examine qualitatively how the concept of diversionary tactics (military and non-military responses) can have applicability. 

  • 155.
    Elfving, Lovisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Those who doubt Nkurunziza's legitimacy are “out of their minds”: A Case Study of the Burundian State’s Conflict Management2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to examine what conflict management practices that were employed in Burundi by the state around the electoral crisis of 2015. This will be done by applying the Authoritarian Conflict Management Framework. The study is qualitative, desk and case study and the data has been analyzed according to the method abduction as redescription and recontextualization. The result of the study shows that the Burundian state has adopted several conflict management practices to control political opponents. The state presents itself as democratic and under attacked by "enemies of the state" and "terrorists" as they call the opponents in the official discourse on Twitter. This discourse occurs simultaneously as the state security forces are dehumanizing the opponents in compounds where the opponents are being ill-treated and tortured. Another result explains why the Burundian security forces are enjoying impunity despite their human rights violations against the opponents within the mentioned compound. Despite violent actions, the state has also turned to a practice that gave development initiatives to diaspora to engage in, in order to restrict the diasporas political influence.

    A last main result questions the long-lasting stability of the contemporary government of Burundi, as the neopatrimonialism system has not only provided stability but also been a factor that triggered the 2015 political crisis.

  • 156.
    Elin, Örtman
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    The Swedish Model of Detention: A case study of Åstorp Detention Centre2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Detention centres are a rather new phenomena in the Swedish institutional setup. However, due to the migration inflow of 2015 it is now rapidly expanding all over Sweden. So far, it has been only scarcely monitored and researched and mostly with a focus on the perspective of the detainee’s health or the employee’s experiences at the detention centres. Little is known about the role of the NGOs and how they collaborate with the Migration Agency to secure the rights for those who are detained. This study is a qualitative case study on one of the five detention centres in Sweden, namely Åstorp detention centre which is located in Skåne 20km from Helsingborg. Four interviews have been made with the Migration Agency and with the NGOs that are continuously visiting the detainees in Åstorp. By using data triangulation, the validity of the study has increased and principles from the rights-based approach have been used to highlight important aspects of the collaboration. One significant finding in this research is that the Migration Agency is willingly increasing the transparency by inviting an unlimited number of NGOs to monitor and secure the rights for the detainees, which in turn has led to Sweden's detention centres being referred to as a successful model for the rest of the world. This study has also showed a successful and mutual collaboration between the Migration Agency and the NGOs and even if their roles at the detention centres are different, all participants are working towards a common goal, to improve the conditions for those who are detained.

    Notwithstanding the relatively limited sample by including one out of five detention centres, this study contributes also, in a small way, to new insights of the situation in Sweden's detention centres and the importance of a successful collaboration between the Migration Agency and NGOs for the detainee’s rights.

  • 157.
    Elma, Mikullovci
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Kristin, Freij
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Läkarprofessionens förändrade arbetsvillkor: En studie om läkares erfarenheter av de förändrade villkoren inom professionen2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study is based on doctors' experiences of the changing conditions in the workplace from a profession to the ongoing deprofessionalisation. Former studies suggests that medical professionals have undergone deprofessionalisation in the form of social changes. Our purpose with this paper is to find out the doctors’ experiences of the changing conditions. The empirical data consists of ten interviews with ten different doctors regarding their worklife experience from the medical profession.   

    The result indicate patterns of deprofessionalisation based on three social changes: 1. Knowledge society – the relationship between the doctor and the patient has changed because of the patient’s rights and the information society, which has led to the weakening of the doctors' exclusivity of the knowledge base. 2. New Public Management – new reforms in the form of bureaucracy and market management has entered the profession, and it has led to the weakening of the profession’s autonomy. 3. The attributes of the medical profession – the doctor’s coat has been a clear status symbol and distinction between doctors and outsiders, and the removal of the doctor’s coat has led to the reduced status of the profession.

  • 158.
    Elstner, Manja
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Primadica, Lovina
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Youth Employment and Income Generation: A field study in Ribáuè District, Mozambique2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 40 credits / 60 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The African country of Mozambique has been undertaking a remarkable development process within the past. However, this has not been translated into a significantly decreasing poverty–or unemployment rate. Especially amongst young, the unemployment rate is quite high. Due to a high annual population growth and large amount of jobseekers every year, the economy is not able to create a corresponding number of jobs. The focus of this study is therefore to achieve a broader understanding of employment possibilities young people have. To foster a vast image of this situation, sectors such as education, agriculture and politics will be examined. This thesis is based on a qualitative field study carried out in Ribáuè, a district located in Nampula province, in the northern part of Mozambique. During the fieldwork, an ethnographic approach with semi–structured interviews mainly on a local level has been used to gather information. The (dis)empowerment model by Friedmann along with Sen’scapability approach and Lewis’ dual-sector model were used to analyse the data and clarify the problems described above.The study shows that young people in Ribáuè district are aware that they cannot depend on the government and should rather start to generate income through entrepreneurship. As young people are less interested in agriculture, the most common business that they are doing is to buy and sell consumer goods. However, one of the main obstacles when it comes to starting-up a business is the financial means. Moreover, there seems to be a crucial mismatch between the demand of the labour market and the knowledge provided by the education sector. Taking this into consideration, this study also highlights the importance of governmental efforts to empower the young people in general, not only in entrepreneurship, but in order to prepare them in every aspect of their lives.

  • 159.
    Elstner, Manja
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Primadica, Lovina
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Youth Employment and Income Generation: A field study in Ribáuè District, Mozambique2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    AbstractThe African country of Mozambique has been undertaking a remarkable development process within the past. However, this has not been translated into a significantly decreasing poverty– or unemployment rate. Especially amongst young, the unemployment rate is quite high. Due to a high annual population growth and large amount of jobseekers every year, the economy is not able to create a corresponding number of jobs. The focus of this study is therefore to achieve a broader understanding of employment possibilities young people have. To foster a vast image of this situation, sectors such as education, agriculture and politics will be examined.This thesis is based on a qualitative field study carried out in Ribáuè, a district located in Nampula province, in the northern part of Mozambique. During the fieldwork, an ethnographic approach with semi–structured interviews mainly on a local level has been used to gather information. The (dis)empowerment model by Friedmann along with Sen’s capability approach and Lewis’ dual-sector model were used to analyse the data and clarify the problems described above.The study shows that young people in Ribáuè district are aware that they cannot depend on the government and should rather start to generate income through entrepreneurship. As young people are less interested in agriculture, the most common business that they are doing is to buy and sell consumer goods. However, one of the main obstacles when it comes to starting-up a business is the financial means. Moreover, there seems to be a crucial mismatch between the demand of the labour market and the knowledge provided by the education sector. Taking this into consideration, this study also highlights the importance of governmental efforts to empower the young people in general, not only in entrepreneurship, but in order to prepare them in every aspect of their lives.Key words: Income Generation, Entrepreneurship, Youth Employment, Ribáuè, Mozambique

  • 160. Elvstrand, Helene
    et al.
    Närvänen, Anna-Liisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Aktionsforskning som metod i utvecklingsinriktade examensarbeten2019In: Att skapa en professionell identitet: Om utvecklingsinriktade examensarbeten i lärarutbildningen / [ed] Marianne Dahl, Liselotte Eek-Karlsson, Ann-Katrin Perselli, Stockholm: Liber, 2019, p. 42-61Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 161.
    Elvstrand, Helene
    et al.
    Linköping university.
    Närvänen, Anna-Liisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Children's Own Perspectives on Participation in Leisure-time Centers in Sweden2016In: American Journal of Educational Research, ISSN 2327-6150, Vol. 4, no 6, p. 496-503Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article presents a study conducted at two different leisure time centers (LTCs) in Sweden. LTC is a voluntary after-school setting that according to the national curriculum should support for example development of values and children’s social skills. The analysis is a part of a larger action research project comprising various research issues relating to LTCs. The present article focuses on the democratic objective of LTCs. The Swedish educational system, of which LTCs form a part, is considered to be rights-based with reference to the United Nations Conventions on the Rights of the Child. The national curriculum stresses citizenship education, and both schools and LTCs are considered venues where children should have the opportunity and ability to practice democracy in their everyday activities. The point of departure in the theoretical framework is children’s participation and agency. This article focuses on data gathered through ‘drawing and talking with children’ that reveals children’s perspectives as to their own participation at LTCs. A total of 19 children participated in the study and were asked to draw a map of their LTC and describe their experiences of participation at the LTC. The results show that children clearly favored activities that, at least to some extent, could be carried out with less adult supervision, such as free, unstructured play. Opportunities to participate were described in terms of formal proceedings such as voting or writing suggestions and depositing them in the suggestion box. The children also described their participation in terms of opportunities to make individual choices in accordance with their preferences. When asked to name obstacles to participation, the children mentioned rules that were decided on by adults, and fixed routines that structured the children’s afternoon hours in terms of both time and space.

  • 162.
    Elvstrand, Helene
    et al.
    Linköping University.
    Närvänen, Anna-Liisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Children's perspective of their own participation in after-school care2015Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim with this paper is to present a research project which takes it´s standpoint from children’s perspective at after-school care. In thestudy we have worked together with children at three different after-school care units. We have worked with a so called mosaic approachwhich means that we have used different data gathering methods like interviews, map drawing and children’s photos of their unit. We havealso conducted ethnographic observations at the units. During the study we have invented the different data gathering methods bydiscussing them with children. In this paper we present results which focus upon children’s view of their own possibility for participation andwhat children themselves express they like to do in after-school care.

  • 163.
    Elvstrand, Helene
    et al.
    Linköping university.
    Närvänen, Anna-Liisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Comparing how children versus instructors in leisure centre define the meaning of participation2016Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 164.
    Elvstrand, Helene
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet.
    Närvänen, Anna-Liisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Delaktighet i fritidshem - elevers och fritidslärares perspektiv2019In: Fritidshemmets möjligheter: Att arbeta fritidspedagogiskt / [ed] Helene Elvstrand, Lina Lago, Maria Simonsson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2019, p. 141-160Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 165.
    Enberg, Lisa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Han, Hon, Hen: Hur kan attityderna till och användningen av hen förstås i det svenska språket och samhället?2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Two categories of sex are considered to not be enough and the use of a masculine pronoun in cases where gender is unknown is said to increase the gaps instead of bringing them together when it comes to gender equality. In 2015, the new word ze (in swedish: hen) was added to the Swedish Academic Glossary and since then the opinions regarding the linguistic change have gone apart. This study aims to provide in-depth knowledge of the gender neutral pronouns ze, the attitudes to and the use of the word in the Swedish language and society. Through a quantitative study with a survey as a method; 226 questionnaires were collected. Then they were analyzed based on the theoretical framework based on a sociolinguistic perspective and queertheory that focuses on normality and deviation. The results from the study show that more than half of the respondents have a positive attitude towards ze. It is primarily in writing that the gender neutral pronoun is used; almost half of the respondents state that they prefer the word in writing situations. Language usage in general affects a persons attitude to the word ze, the more linguistic change someone has accepted, the more likely it is that they start using a future one. The conclusion is that linguistic changes take time, but despite that, ze have been established in the Swedish language and society as a gender neutral pronoun but not as a third gender category.

  • 166.
    Engelmark, Maria
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Extreme Right-Wing Voting Behavior; A Case Study on Swedish Immigrant Voters2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014.

    The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in Sweden. Through a case-study based on six in-depth interviews with immigrants voting for Sverigedemokraterna, the study looks into issues regarding social group identification as the issue of identification with or repudiation of the ‘outgroup’ appears, from previously conducted research, to be a key issue. An analysis of policy documents of Sverigedemokraterna, previously conducted research and finally an interview conducted by a Swedish anti-racist organization is also included in the case-study.

    The study shows that the reasons behind immigrant extreme right-wing voting behavior present substantial similarities with other highly represented groups of extreme right-wing voters in that voting is, in line with Realistic Conflict Theory, encouraged by a perceived socio-economic threat emanating from an identified ‘outgroup’.

    Further, the study validates the assumption of ‘in-’ and ‘outgroup’ identification as being a key issue in determining motives behind extreme right-wing voting. The key explanatory factor of the voting behavior of the studied group indeed shows to be the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’.

    Finally, the study shows that the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’, removes the theoretical base for assuming that immigrants should be expected to show favorable attitudes towards the group of immigrants in general.

  • 167.
    Engqvist, Olof
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Att introducera organisationsförändring: En studie om organisationsförändring inom en svensk sjukhusorganisation2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 168.
    Enroth, Henrik
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Henriksson, Malin
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Politik och samhällsbyggande: Politisk auktoritet och modernitet2018In: Auktoritet / [ed] Mats Trondman, Malin Lennartsson, Göteborg: Daidalos, 2018, p. 125-146Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 169.
    Eriksson, Josefine
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Sociala företag och arbetsintegration: En studie om hur sociala företag kan bidra till att möjliggöra och begränsa arbetsintegration för arbetsmarginaliserade individer2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Social enterprises are in some contexts considered to be a solution of social exclusion. Studies have tried to reach a deeper understanding of the relatively new phenomenon 'work-integrating social enterprises' by asking questions like 'what is a social enterprise?'. The purpose of this research is to create a greater understanding of how social enterprises can enable and/or restrict work-integration. Data is collected through qualitative interviews conducted on six social enterprise managers. The research focuses on how and to what extent organizational structure components (including functions, target group, leadership and control, along with recruitment and specialization) can lead to work-integration. The research shows a discrepancy of what the social enterprises say they are and what they say they do. I find it to be an effect depending on them being similar to other common enterprises. This is evident in their being located on the regular labor market, having the same demands in competitive and effective production.

    This research shows how social enterprises restrict individuals just as a common enterprise. By only recruiting individuals with desired abilities and knowledge, the social enterprises reproduces exclusion of individuals and thereby restrict work-integration for the most marginalized individuals. The research also shows that by actually giving a chance of work-integration to marginalized individuals (even if it is a limited chance), social enterprises are an alternative to common enterprises.

  • 170.
    Eriksson, Magnus
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Lundberg, Eva
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Department of Media and Journalism.
    Olofsson, Gunnar
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Det lilla universitetet: En bild av Växjö universitet 20022013In: Studenterna och deras utbildningar vid ett nytt universitet / [ed] Eva Fasth & Gunnar Olofsson, Lund: Arkiv förlag & tidskrift, 2013, 1, , p. 312p. 29-45Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 171.
    Eriksson, Mia
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Breivik and I: affective encounters with ‘failed’ masculinity in stories about right-wing terrorism2018In: Norma, ISSN 1890-2138, E-ISSN 1890-2146, Vol. 13, no 3-4, p. 265-278Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    For feminist theory, the search for the material has often found its way via affect. As an immanent and seemingly pre-discursive and bodily experience, affects seem to offer a way out of the language and discourse trap. But should affect really be understood as solely a material matter? If every phenomenon is material-discursive, as Karen Barad suggests, cannot affect, as an immanent and lived bodily experience also be both material and discursive? In this article, I will approach these questions through a reading of a small selection of texts that tell the story of Anders Behring Breivik and the terrorist attack in Norway on 22 July 2011. In a troubling encounter with these stories, I found myself identifying with Breivik, an identification that led to an intense affective experience of anxiety and disgust, but also to an emotional self-reflexive elaboration on shame and guilt. This article presents an analysis of the prevalence of norms on white, adult masculinity in the stories about Breivik, as well as a theoretical elaboration on the relationship between affect and emotion, matter and language, and its relevance for the study of masculinity and violence.

  • 172.
    Eriksson, Nathalie
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Explaining occurrence of conflicts - clashes of cultures or abundance of resources?2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the explanatory power of two distinct theories, culture-conflict theory and resource abundance-conflict theory, on the occurrence of conflict. With statistical methods this thesis has aimed to investigate which of the two theories in question has the better explanatory power on interstate and intrastate conflicts active in the years 2012-2013. By engaging in the latest conflict data available and a number of country characteristics during the time period 2009-2010, an analytical framework was created. By operationalizing the theories in question into valid variables, a logistic regression analysis on the occurrence versus nonoccurrence of war was conducted. The results indicate that, in accordance with the culture-conflict theory, a higher degree of cultural characteristics (here linguistic diversity) do increase the probability of conflict occurrence. However, for the resource abundance-conflict theory the result showed no statistical significance, leading to the conclusion that the argument that countries with a high abundance of resources are more likely to experience conflict is not supported in this thesis.

  • 173.
    Erlingsson, Maria
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Civil society and peacebuilding in Colombia2013Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    There is a growing interest in how to build sustainable peace in the world, preventing countries from relapsing into violent conflict. Recognising that there are several important peacebuilding actors, this Master thesis takes its point of departure in local civil society actors as a peacebuilding force. For this interpretative qualitative study, Colombia is used as the case of investigation. This is as a result of a renewed interest in the country due to the peace negotiations that were initiated between the Colombian government and the largest guerrilla group in the country, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in October 2012. Interviews with diverse civil society actors in Colombia were used as primary data, and in addition literary reviews of primary and secondary information have been added to the material.

    There are diverging views of what peacebuilding means, and one of the research objectives of this thesis is to draw from previous research to build a general framework for what peacebuilding wants to achieve, i.e., identify the international peacebuilding objectives. The second research objective is to compare the seven activities and functions of civil society in peacebuilding, as described by Paffenholz and Spurk in the Comprehensive framework for the analysis of civil society in peacebuilding, to see how the work of civil society in Colombia compares to the international peacebuilding objectives.

    The research shows that all seven activities and functions of civil society in peacebuilding: protection, monitoring, advocacy and public communication, in-group socialisation, social cohesion, facilitation/mediation, and service delivery, are performed by the interviewed civil society actors. When the activities and functions are compared to the international peacebuilding objectives, the research demonstrates that the peacebuilding activities carried out by civil society adds to the efforts performed by other actors to achieve stability and security, restore political and judicial institutions, address socio-economic dimensions and transform relations. Acknowledging the particular regional dynamics of the Colombian internal armed conflict and recognising the need for local ownership for peacebuilding to be successful, the conclusion drawn is that peacebuilding in Colombia has to be attained at the local, regional as well as national level. The polarisation and distrust between civil society and the state hinders a joint effort to build peace in Colombia, which further complicates the prospects for attaining sustainable peace in the country. Based on the understanding gained from the conducted research, this thesis affirms that peacebuilding must be adapted to the local realities and requires active participation from both government and civil society.

  • 174.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania? 25th of October 2015: Progress report to COSTECH for the project with research clearance No: 2014-66-NA-2014-212015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in different fieldworks in the period January 2014 to February 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 (5) has brought about more democratic and decentralised decision making processes. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors at various levels can - and do -exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance. The overall conclusion is that the decentralisation process has been reversed to a re-centralisation process.

  • 175.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania. Moving towards consolidation years after independence?2013Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.

    About the author:Jonas Ewald is lecturer and researcher in Peace and Development Studies. His main research areas are democratisation and its linkages to development, conflicts, and post-conflict management, with a focus on East Africa/Great Lakes Region—and Tanzania and Rwanda in particular.

  • 176.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Fördjupas den demokratiska samhällsutvecklingen i Tanzania? Valen 2015.2015Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Fördjupas den demokratiska samhällsutvecklingen i Tanzania? Valen 2015.Tanzania är ett intressant exempel i Afrika, med en relativt god demokratisk och ekonomisk utveckling - och inga väpnade konflikter. Det senaste året har dock ett antal lagar införts som begränsar informations och yttrandefrihet och den föreslagna nya konstitutionen kritiseraras av oppositionen.  Situationen på Zanzibar är spänd. Och den politiska temparaturen het inför de uppkommande valen hösten 2015. I vilken riktning går den politiska utvecklingen i Tanzania? 

  • 177.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Raw material extraction, conflicts of interest and inclusive development. The case of gold mining and gas extraction in Tanzania: Paper presented at the7th European Conference on African Studies ECAS 2017 with the theme: Urban Africa - Urban Africans: New encounters of the rural and the urban, AEGIS. Basel 28-30 juni 20172017Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 178.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Swahili popular music- so rich and diverse! Some notes on its development an function from a Tanzanian perspectiv: Presented at the Swahili days, a seminar for cititzens from East Africa countries in Sweden arranged by the Kenyan Embassy, 
Stockholm 10th of June 20172017Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    Why is EA music so interesting and important?

    Entertain, have fun, dance, enjoy life; Ceremonial and official functions; national days; family festivities/weddings. Important for building knowledge of the history and culture.Create feeling of belonging and identity. Convey wisdom and moral values (or the opposite:Tease, discuss and criticize social and political issuesPolitical mobilisation/awareness - for good and less good reasonsStrengthen knowledge about and use of SwahiliAnd has been successful! Strengthen Swahili as a lingua franca in Eastern Africa – and strengthened the feeling of belonging together in Eastern Africa

    Music in East African has developed in a fantastic way!It has developed through a combination of global, transnational, trans-cultural, local and international influences – like all music – to a rich diversity of various genres, with a genuinely distinct sound and style It has made Eastern Africa known far outside the individual countriesIt create jobs and economic opportunities in a rapidly growing cultural sector, together with dance, video, film and TV production – entertainment industry It’s vitality, energy and creativity inspires Eastern Africans – and others - and make them both proud and aware of the importance of the Swahili cultureIt can promote the unity of the citizens to overcome ethnic and religious division and motivate the youth – but could as well be used for the opposite…It has promoted Swahili as lingua franca in the region – and the greater region - and maybe in front of all contributed to build a feeling of belonging and common identity in the Eastern African Region – from the Somali Coast, Comoros, Mozambique's, Malawi, Zambia, Eastern DRC, Southern Sudan and the EAC countries.

  • 179.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Turbulensen kring den konstitutionella processen2014In: Habari : medlemsblad för Svensk tanzaniska föreningen, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 46, no 1, p. 3p. 19-20Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Artikeln ger en forskningsbaserad översikt av debatten och processen kring den nya konstitutionen i Tanzania. Oppositionen i Tanzania har sedan flerpartisystemet infördes krävt att den gamla enpartikonstitutionen med alla dess begränsningar i organisations, yttrande och informationsfrihet skrivs om. Den mest känsliga frågan gäller dock Zanzibars ställning och huruvida unionen skall styras av en, två eller tre regeringar.

  • 180.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Är demokrati och utveckling ömsesidigt förstärkande? 
Ett exempel från Tanzania2013Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Under 1990- och 2000-talets utvecklingsforskningsdebatt etablerades föreställningen att fattigdom kunde brytas med hjälp av liberala ekonomiska reformer, liberala politiska reformer och new-public management inspirerade förvaltningsreformer samt att de tre ”reformpaketen” var ömsesidigt förstärkande, oavsett i vilken kontext de tillämpades.

    Men är det verkligen så? Det är en fråga som jag intresserat mig för i min forskning om demokratiseringsprocessen i Tanzania, i olika omgångar med fältstudier sedan flerpartisystemet infördes 1992, senast nu i september 2013. Jag vill här peka på några sidoeffekter av de olika reformpaketen som tvärtemot den förgivet tagna positiva samverkan mellan liberalisering av ekonomin och införande av flerpartisystem och ”gott styrelseskicksreformer” riskerar att underminera viktiga mål inom andra politikområden, om de inte beaktas.

  • 181.
    Ewald, Jonas
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Ökenhett valklimat – bakgrunden till årets dramatiska val2015In: Habari, ISSN 0345-4371, Vol. 47, no 4, p. 7-9Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Årets val är det mest dramatiska valet, sedan självständigheten. Aldrig tidigare har så många varit så engagerade och maktkampen så hård och jämn mellan olika partikonstellationer. När detta skrivs dagen före valet är det fortfarande helt oförutsägbart hur valresultatet blir – för första gången i Tanzanias historia. Även om CCM med största sannolikhet vinner, så är det sannolikt med en mindre marginal än förra gången, och med en mycket större mobilisering.

    När vi tänker på årets mycket heta val och bedömer hur väl flerpartisystemets institutioner fungerar, så tror jag att det är bra att ta ett historiskt perspektiv. Årets val är Tanzanias sjätte flerpartival, sedan flerpartisystemet (åter)infördes för 23 år sedan. Av de 54 år Tanzania varit självständigt styrdes landet som enpartisystem i 28 år, fram till det formella beslutet att införa flerpartisystem 1992. Det tar tid att montera ned maktstrukturer och bygga upp nya institutioner – och framför allt att förändra människors attityder från enpartisystemets tänkesätt och dominans, till en mer demokratisk kultur.

  • 182.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Johansson, Kajsa
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Nilsson, Anders
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Åkesson, Gunilla
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Biståndspolitiska plattformen är starkt ideologiserad2014Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 183.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam.
    A Democracy Profile of Tanzania - a background study: A Report presented to the EU-delegation in Tanzania2015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report highlights the successes and the most serious challenges of democracy at this stage in Tanzania and the priorities needed to address them. The summary also outlines possible entry points through which political dialogue and technical cooperation initiatives could be feasible and have the greatest impact.

    Tanzania is going through a period of rapid economic, political and cultural change. In a relatively short time, some 25 years, the country has moved from being a one-party state-led system to a market economy and multi-party system, all within the context of limited institutional capacity and resources. Electoral democracy is now fairly well established in principle, even if the independence of the Electoral Management Bodies is questioned. Democratic institutions have been strengthened, although the executive branch continues to dominate over the legislative and judiciary. Freedom of press, association and speech has improved. However, Tanzania cannot be regarded as a deep democracy. The conditions for an open and competitive political system, such as the full respect for political rights, competitive elections, independence of the institutions in charge of accountability promotion and protection of key democratic stakeholders, are not yet fully met. A more comprehensive, substantive democracy would better deliver on political, economic, social and cultural rights by increasing the accountability and participation around political decision-making.

    However, compared with its neighbours in the sub-region and the whole of Africa, Tanzania does fairly well, as indicated by e.g., in Freedom House index.The main challenge is whether the current political system and power structure has the capacity to continue reforms, furthering the opening up of the political space; and leading to a stronger democratic culture and better economic and social development for the Tanzanian people, in a peaceful way.

    The economy grows but reduction of poverty remains limited New economic activities develop, and so do an elite and a small middle class in urban, and some rural areas. Expectations are rising, not least among the youth. However, despite economic growth, basic needs poverty has only slightly been reduced from 34,4% to 28%, while the number of people below the poverty line has increased in absolute terms, as a result of continued high population growth. 44 per cent of the population live on less than 1.25 USD a day. Cleavages between the poor and the better off, and between urban and rural areas are deepening. The 2012/2013 household budget survey indicates that poverty has increased everywhere except in Dar es Salaam, and a few larger cities. Hence there is a trajectory of poverty decline but it is still very fragile. Even if the provision of health and education services has improved, - the relative quality of service delivery is arguably not improving or even deteriorating.

    Changing values. An important heritage of Tanzania is Julius Nyerere’s legacy of nationalism and altruism. However these values have eroded over time, weakening the social fabric that has held the nation together since independence.Globalisation and an increasing number of young people completing their education cycle; rapid urbanisation (particularly among young adults); and the rapid expansion of TV, mobile telephones and internet access have brought about a change in values and expectations and have increased divides between generations and societies, men and woman urban and rural areas. These changing values have also raised awareness, not least of girls and women’s rights, which clash with the traditional patriarchal values. New networks and tools to voice concerns and hold those in power to account have started to develop. Old paternalistic power structures have started to be questioned, potentially opening up the political landscape.

    New economic actors, especially BRIC countries, are changing the rules of the international game. With an increase in foreign direct investments, Tanzania is becoming less dependent on western aid, causing the majority of the ruling party, and the political administration to challenge traditional reliance on western donors and western perspectives. As a result, support for a western-type liberal democracy from some factions of the political and economic elite might shift towards new role models, such as the BRIC states.A diverse multi-party system has continued to develop since its inception in 1992.

    Although opposition parties have made progress over the last 10 years, they are still weak and the former only party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), is still ruling. CCM has a well-developed organisation, characterised by a strong central authority. The party has robust personal networks, with close links to all levels of the administration, as well as to various economic elites and power centres outside the party, including the security forces. Even if gradually fading away, the one-party culture is still alive, especially at the local level in rural areas, where the majority of the population still lives. A remarkable change appears to have occurred between 2010 and 2014: In the 2014 Afro barometer survey, 75% of respondents from Tanzania gave support to multi-party democracy, which is among the highest in the Sub Saharan Africa.Until recently, no other party has proven strong enough to challenge CCM. Even though Tanzania now has 21 registered political parties, only five managed to get into Parliament in 2010. The majority election system contributes to preserving CCMs dominance. Only CUF and CHADEMA, and to a lesser extent NCCR-Mageuzi, have transformed into institutionalised political parties and, having received substantial support in the elections, command a degree of legitimacy. Nevertheless, the distribution of financial, human and organisational resources between CCM and the opposition parties remains skewed. Power struggles exist not only between the ruling party and the opposition, but also within each party between different factions and between the opposition parties. These divisions are rarely based on ideological or political differences, but rather on personalities and patronage. Nevertheless, changes have taken place both within the ruling party, through new generations of members whose political world view was formed in a multi-party context, and from outside the party where rapid urbanisation, globalisation and changes of values have provided a breeding ground for new political ideas. In the last five years CHADEMA has developed as a viable alternative to CCM and managed to capture the attention of the young, entrepreneurs and the educated urban middle class. The party won a substantive 27 percent of votes in the 2010 election, and a much higher share of votes in the cities. In the December 2014 local election the opposition preliminarily secured 34% of the seats. Four parties in the opposition have formed a loose coalition called Ukawa, with the aim to field one joint candidate in all constituencies and for the Presidency. For the first time, CCM is facing a real challenge in the 2015 election, even if it is unlikely that it would lose its power on the mainland. In any case, the low voter turnout on the mainland in the 2010 elections (39 percent compared with 73 percent 2005) and the civic polls in December 2014  might signal voter (or democracy) fatigue. Zanzibar maintained its traditionally high voter participation with 89 percent of voters exercising their right in the island of Unguja, and 85 percent in Pemba. Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT) started by a breakaway faction from CHADEMA 2014 after a power struggle over ideology and leadership with one the periods most effective politicians, Zitto Kabwe, Public Account Committee chairman and a driving force in exposing corruption and misuse of power as one of the leaders, might contribute to a vitalisation of ideology based political debate as the party has declared itself as socialist, while the CHADEMA and CUF have taken on faith based conservative and liberal ideology, respectively.The integrity of the political parties and freedom of organisation and assembly are still limited by various outdated laws and institutions. The Police at times use excessive force with political activists and do not allow public demonstrations. As the multi-party system is not yet consolidated, issues surrounding intimidation and unfair competition are likely to persist for years. The opposition parties would not necessarily be more democratic or efficient than the current ruling party, but they have not yet been given the chance to prove themselves.

  • 184.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    IDS, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania?2014In: Nordic Africa Days, Uppsala, 2014, Uppsala, 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 185.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Leveraging Tanzania´s extractive sector for inclusive development: The case of gold mining in Geita - Tanzania2015In: The Extractive Industries for African Development. A paradigm shift: Pennstate University, USA, March 27 2015 / [ed] Kidane Mengistab, Pennsylvania, USA: African Studies Program, Pennsylvania State University , 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 186.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Recentralisation? The missed opportunity to make a local turn of development, the case of the decentralisation reforms in Tanzania2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in May 2013 to January 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes, and hence heralding a “local turn” of development. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. The study examine to what extent various actors at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance.  However, this opportunity to make ta “local turn” appears to rather have turned to recentralisation

  • 187.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    IDS, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
    Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralisation or recentralisation? (Abstract accepted for presentation in the panel Local State-making in Africa.2015In: AEGIS V (Africa-Europe Group for Interdisciplinary Studies) Bi-annual Conference, Paris, July 7-8 2015, Paris, France, 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralissation or recentralisation? This paper present fresh field work data from case studies carried out from January 2014 to Mars 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes – and state building on local level. The LGRP is a typical “Blueprint administrative reform funded and guided by international donors’ agencies”. The main findings is that the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors, including national and local CSO, at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. We also look at the role of large international mining companies and local governments. Our findings indicate that the LGR have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The LGR has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains, in particular in mineral rich areas. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures.

  • 188.
    Ewald, Jonas
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mhamba, Robert
    University of Dar es Salaam.
    Will the up-coming elections rift democratic development in Tanzania?
- Discussion on some risks and possibilities: A presentation at the Swedish Embassy, Dar es Salaam 2014-01-232014Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 189.
    Fagerström, Madeleine
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Could democracy be a trigger for conflict?: The case of democratic violence in Liberia2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to prove the hypothesis that liberal democracy could trigger conflict when implemented to a post-conflict country. During the last decades there has been a debate regarding whether the implementation of liberal peacebuilding and liberal democracy is a mean for peace or a mean for conflict. Researchers arguing for the importance of democracy claims that it is the most peaceful regime and that democracies almost never engage in war. The critics of the liberal democracy argue that the norms and values that characterizes the liberal democracy is not suited for countries with other norms, that it is not a substantial mean for promoting human development and security and that the peacebuilding efforts of the West simply is a mean to control the world security. I have in this thesis presented the research debate and placed myself amongst the critics of the liberal democracy. The case of Liberia was used to try and prove the hypothesis.

    The method used is qualitative. I have used a qualitative text analysis as well as the method of process-tracing to process the information. The theories used are the democratic peace theory and the congruence theory. The research questions which I have based my study on are the following; Could the implementation of liberal democracy as a mean for peace, on the contrary bring conflict instead? Was it the liberal democracy that casued a continuation of the conflict in Liberia?

    The results found is that the transition towards liberal democracy does entail conflictual elements and that there is the possibility of an aggravation of the conflict unless certain factors such as the timing of election and the level of security are thought of. In the case of Liberia there are facts showing that the liberal democracy could have aggravated the conflict, there are however other factors playing a role in this as well and I have therefore not been able to draw the conclusion that my hypothesis is true. Nonetheless I have been able to draw the conclusion that the implementing of liberal democracy is a potential factor behind the continuation of violence in Liberia. The liberal democracy did not create peace as the democratic peace theory suggests. 

  • 190.
    Fairbanks, Amanda
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Rollincidenter: Sociologiskt perspektiv på incidenter mellan professionell yrkesroll och privat roll2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Summary: The basis of this essay are taken from Goffmans (1959) theory about impression management. The theory is used to investigate the connection and the collision between separate roles. The purpose of this study is to examine when collision between the bosses professional role and their private role occur and to examine how they handle these collisions. The extent of this study is focused mainly on bosses who are living and working in small districts. The choice of definition is to make sure that the informants have actually experienced some degree of collision between their separate roles. The objective is to find out if bosses who are living and working in small districts can secure their anonymity and stay anonymous in public. A qualitative method is used for this study. And so called go-along interviews and focus Group interviews has been applied. The result of this study shows that bosses who are living and working in small districts are having trouble maintaining their anonymity. And therefore the most common choice made is to take up residence outside the work district. This is of great importance to be able to separate the professional role from the private and to maintain these two. The result clearly presents that collisions between the professional role and the private role are taking place and are quite common.  Henceforth strategies are used by bosses in this study to facilitate and avoid collisions. Bosses is using dramaturgical caution, to avoid execution of actions that can´t be adjusted quickly. Bosses in the conducted study are experiencing that collisions themselves aren't problematic which leads to the conclusion that they have a high level of dramaturgical discipline. In conclusion the main objective of this study has been obtained and the questions has been answered from Goffmans perspective regarding impression management. 

  • 191.
    Farjam, Mike
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Nikolaychuk, Olexandr
    Dataset fo Investing into climate change mitigation initiatives despite the risk of failure: Version 2.02018Data set
  • 192.
    Farjam, Mike
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    Experimental evidence of the bandwagon effect on voting2019Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 193.
    Farjam, Mike
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    On whom would I want to depend; humans or computers?2019In: Journal of Economic Psychology, ISSN 0167-4870, E-ISSN 1872-7719, Vol. 72, p. 219-228Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    We study in a laboratory experiment whether humans prefer to depend on decisions of others (Human-Driven Uncertainty) or states generated by a computer (Computerized Uncertainty). The experimental design introduced in this paper is unique in that it introduces Human-Driven Uncertainty such that it does not derive from a strategic context. In our experiment, Human-Driven Uncertainty derives from decisions, which were taken in a morally neutral context and in ignorance of externalities that the decisions may have on others. Our results indicate that even without strategic interaction and moral elements humans prefer Computerized to Human-Driven Uncertainty. This holds even when the distribution of outcomes under both types of uncertainty is identical. From a methodological point of view, the findings shed a critical light on behavioral research in which it is common practice to control for strategic uncertainty by comparing interaction with an artificial agent with a known strategy to interaction with humans. Outside the laboratory, our results suggest that whenever dependence on humans is changed to dependence on computers and other kinds of “artificial” decision makers, preferences with regard to these dependencies may change too.

  • 194.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    Bravo, Giangiacomo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    Dehkordi, Molood
    Forsman, Anders
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Health and Life Sciences, Department of Biology and Environmental Science.
    Ghorbani, Amineh
    van Weeren, Rene
    de Moor, Tine
    Common paths in long-term institutional dynamics: An analysis of rule changes inBritish and Dutch commons over seven centuries2019Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 195.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    Bravo, Giangiacomo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    Forsman, Anders
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Health and Life Sciences, Department of Biology and Environmental Science.
    de Moor, Tine
    Ghorbani, Amineh
    Dehkordi, Molood
    van Weeren, Rene
    Eco-evolutionary perspectives on institutional dynamics of historical commonsadvice about sustainable utilization of shared resources2019Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 196.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Kirchkamp, Oliver
    University of Jena, Germany.
    Bubbles in hybrid markets: How expectations about algorithmic trading affect human trading2018In: Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, ISSN 0167-2681, E-ISSN 1879-1751, Vol. 146, p. 248-269Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Bubbles are omnipresent in lab experiments with asset markets. Most of these experiments are conducted in environments with only human traders. Since today's markets are substantially determined by algorithmic trading, we use a laboratory experiment to measure how human trading depends on the expected presence of algorithmic traders. We find that bubbles are clearly smaller when human traders expect algorithmic traders to be present.

  • 197.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Loxbo, Karl
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Experimental evidence of a bandwagon effect on voting2019In: 6th International Meeting on Experimental and Behavioral Social Sciences (IMEBESS), 2019Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Social influence and conformity have been thoroughly studied by social psychologists, leading political scientist to the postulation of the bandwagon effect. However, despite its relevance, the bandwagon effect, claiming that seeing pre-election polls makes votes for majority options more likely, has not been properly tested for political voting and evidence regarding this effect is mixed. Experiments either were ran in very abstract contexts only vaguely representing political voting, or only testing the effect of polls on opinions or hypothetical votes . We present an unique experimental design with more realism than previous designs, keeping the experimental control needed to make causal claims.

    We tested in an online experiment with 1115 participants from the US how votes change when pre-election polls are shown. Our experimental design is unique in that the votes of the participants have real-world consequences within their electoral area (the US), empower actual political organizations falling on a left-right spectrum, and the votes are on issues currently debated in US politics (firearms, abortion, immigration, and environment). Per issue participants chose between three different charities, representing different positions within the political spectrum. As a result of the experiment 1200$ were distributed across these charities as suggested by the vote.

    In line with the bandwagon-effect, we find clear evidence that seeing poll results makes votes for majority opinion more likely. After seeing the surveys, majority opinions received an extra ~7% of votes. In our experiment this effect did not depend on the electoral system and was robust against controlling for the gender and age of voters and the self-assessment on a left-right spectrum. However, we find evidence that under extreme-polarization (where moderate position are the least popular option) the bandwagon-effect is much weaker.

  • 198.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Mill, Wladislaw
    University Jena, Germany.
    Panganiban, Marian
    Max Planck Institute for Research on Collective Goods, Germany.
    Ignorance Is Bliss, But for Whom? The Persistent Effect of Good Will on Cooperation2016In: Games, ISSN 2073-4336, E-ISSN 2073-4336, Vol. 7, no 4, article id 33Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Who benefits from the ignorance of others? We address this question from the point of view of a policy maker who can induce some ignorance into a system of agents competing for resources. Evolutionary game theory shows that when unconditional cooperators or ignorant agents compete with defectors in two-strategy settings, unconditional cooperators get exploited and are rendered extinct. In contrast, conditional cooperators, by utilizing some kind of reciprocity, are able to survive and sustain cooperation when competing with defectors. We study how cooperation thrives in a three-strategy setting where there are unconditional cooperators, conditional cooperators and defectors. By means of simulation on various kinds of graphs, we show that conditional cooperators benefit from the existence of unconditional cooperators in the majority of cases. However, in worlds that make cooperation hard to evolve, defectors benef

  • 199.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Nikolaychuk, Olexandr
    Friedrich Schiller Univ, Germany.
    Bravo, Giangiacomo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies.
    Does risk communication really decrease cooperation in climate change mitigation?2018In: Climatic Change, ISSN 0165-0009, E-ISSN 1573-1480, Vol. 149, no 2, p. 147-158Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Effective communication of risks involved in the climate change discussion is crucial and despite ambitious protection policies, the possibility of irreversible consequences actually occurring can only be diminished but never ruled out completely. We present a laboratory experiment that studies how residual risk of failure of climate change policies affects willingness to contribute to such policies. Despite prevailing views on people's risk aversion, we found that contributions were higher at least in the final part of treatments including a residual risk. We interpret this as the product of a psychological process where residual risk puts participants into an "alarm mode," keeping their contributions high. We discuss the broad practical implications this might have on the real-world communication of climate change.

  • 200.
    Farjam, Mike
    et al.
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    Nikolaychuk, Olexandr
    Bravo, Giangiacomo
    Linnaeus University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Studies. DISA; CSS.
    does risk communication really decrease cooperation in climate change mitigation?2018Conference paper (Refereed)
1234567 151 - 200 of 737
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf