Studien syftar till att undersöka innebörden av ett närvarande ledarskap utifrån ett medarbetarperspektiv samt identifiera vilka förväntningar medarbetare har av en närvarande ledare. Innebörden av ett närvarande ledarskap är ett relativt outforskat område. Kvalitativ metod har därmed använts i den här studien, för att kunna analysera det empiriska materialet och besvara undersökningens frågeställningar. För att avgränsa arbetet har fokuset legat på offentliga HVB-verksamheter, därmed består datamaterialet av intervjuer med medarbetare från olika offentliga HVB. Studiens resultat visar att det finns flera viktiga faktorer, såsom fysisk närvaro,  mental närvaro, tillitsfulla relationer, delaktighet, bekräftelse, öppenhet och mottaglighet som är betydande för ett närvarande ledarskap. Innebörden av ett närvarande ledarskap ser olika ut för studiens respondenter, även om en del av dem har liknande uppfattningar. Utifrån en konstruktivistisk teori kan vi dra slutsatsen att medarbetares föreställningar om ett närvarande ledarskap till stor del grundar sig på begreppet ledarskap, som är något varje individ själv konstruerar. Detta leder till att hen skapar egna förväntningar på sin chef och hur chefen ska utöva ledarskapet.

This bachelor’s thesis examines the perception of gender stereotyped fashion advertisement according to two generational groups of women (>60 or <25) without university degrees. The study is comparative and derives from a problem definition which focuses on the (re)production of gender roles through advertisement which perpetuates unequal power structures. The study aims to describe the perception of the two groups through in-depth interviews with six women in total. Thus, the study uses a qualitative approach and has a twoparted theoretical framework. The selection of advertisements that are reviewed by the respondents originates from the Male Gaze theory and the Madonna/Whore Complex with indicators of nudity and position. Moreover, the interviewees’ responses are analyzed through the Madonna/Whore Complex, the Objectification Theory and the Theory of Generations. This thesis suggests that the categorization of women as Whores or Madonnas in advertisement is perceived to be true by both groups. It proposes a great generational difference, as that the younger generation women see the categorization of women as either Whores or Madonnas in the social world, while the older do not. Concluding, harmful beauty norms and feminine behavioral traits seem to be partly internalized

War is gendered. The scholarship of gender and war is comprehensive and multi-layered, yet there seems to be some difficulty to keep up with the new developments in technology and its involvement in warfare. It was only until a few years ago that a new method of warfare - cyber warfare, a form of hybrid warfare, emerged and got the spotlight in the discussions on new methods of warfare. However, as the literature is growing, and international organisations are producing policy and strategy documents on cyber warfare, there seems to be a research gap on the relation between gender and cyber warfare, more specifically the gendered aspects of cyber warfare. This thesis attempts to fill that research gap and intends to answer how cyber warfare may be gendered. This is be done by generally looking at the literature of “Gender and War” and “Gender and Cyber”, and Gunneriusson and Ottis (2013) categorisation of how cyberspace is used in military operations from a hybrid warfare perspective. Gunneriusson and Otitis’s categorisation focus on inter alia cyber-attacks on non-military targets, and the use of propaganda. The overview of the research on gender and cyber focus on the workforce within cyber related sectors and gender-based violence, and the overview of research on gender and war brings up numerous examples of the nexus between gender and war.  Based on the overview of the two fields of research along with Gunneriusson and Ottis categorisation this thesis comes to the conclusion that cyber warfare can be gendered. The purpose of the examples of cyber-attacks are the same when same attacks are conducted offline and these types of attack offline have the same effect online. The difference is that an attack through the cyberspace intensifies the consequences in comparison to when these same methods were used in other domains.

Taking Singaporean Member of Parliament (MP) Baey Yam Keng as a case study, this chapter analyses how charismatic engagement can be mediated through social media and selfie tropes. In the wake of online campaigns since the General Elections 2011, and with the ruling party garnering its lowest share of electoral votes since state independence, MP Baey, aged 47, has emerged as a press-branded 'selfie king', 'social media celebrity' and 'Twitter influencer' for engaging with the online citizenry since publishing his first selfie in March 2013. Drawing on his Instagram and Twitter feed and selfie-related engagements up till 2015, this chapter demonstrates how politician selfies can be exercised to solicit affect and mobilise public sentiment among voters.

Segregation is frequently described as a consequence of the global restructuring of social, economic, and political expansions in which multicultural cities, like Malmö, become part of them. This study aims to highlight how visions of housing segregation and exclusion in the city of Malmö has been represented in the local policy documents (Master Plans) through the last three decades and to understand how a newly emerged glocal actor, known as BID Malmö, have impacted the urban governance in the city. In order to investigate these developments, this study applies two analytical frameworks. In terms of policy analysis, it employs a what’s the problem represented to be? (WPR) approach and for the conceptualization of BID Malmö applies the theory of the Global City. Policy analysis shows that urban segregation has been persistent in the city of Malmö through the last three decades, however the representation of problem has shifted vibrantly from placing citizens as the main cause of housing segregation during 1990s to an arena that includes contingent processes and practices that need to be tackled. Policy analysis also shows that Malmö municipality, through shifting the burden of responsibility, now promotes partnership between public and private actors to reduce exclusion based on specific district needs. Moreover, this study argues that the city of Malmö, because of the cross-border network of global cities, is now a space where one can identify formation of new types of global politics of place where informal political actors are emerging and can actually impact the urban governance. Finally, this study maintains that the city of Malmö, along with its newly emerged glocalized actor, fit into the theory of the Global City, by Saskia Sassen. Therefore, this study has also a deductive qualitative analysis.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka varför afrikanska landsbundna nationer är fattigareän afrikanska icke-landsbundna nationer. Adam Smith konstaterade redan 1776 i sinbok ”Nationernas välstånd” att en nations geografiska position har en betydelse för hur aktivman eventuellt kommer bli i den globala handeln. Sedan dess har forskning tagitlandsbundenhets negativa effekter alltför vedertaget. Studiens förklarande variabler är FDI,infrastruktur kvalité och export. Vidare inkluderas även kolonialhistoria, utbildning och skattsom kontrollvariabler. För att undersöka sambandet använder sig studien sig av multipelregressionsanalys genom OLS (ordinary least square) metod för att undersöka sambanden.Två av studiens hypoteser går i linje med resultat, att afrikanska landsbundna länder ärfattigare på grund av de har sämre infrastruktur och har lägre export men att effekten avlandsbundenhet kvarstod vid kontroll för FDI. Vid kontroll för nationer med liknandeinfrastruktur kvalité oavsett landsbundenhet – visar resultaten att infrastruktur kvalitén kankompensera de geografiska hindren.

In many African countries where civil war raged not so long ago, former warlords are today running for office in elections. This policy note assesses the effect that these warlord democrats have on democratisation and security.

In this article we use two immigrant projects to identify similarities and consequences in order to discuss and analyse outwarding collaborative projects in human service organizations as a tool for change. The heavy use of projects in a slimmed public sector originates from projects’ contradictory promises of flexibility and effectiveness in the New Public Management context. Usually projects are used as a way to get more resources to long-term needs but are seldom implemented as planned in the regular organisation. Seemingly politicians, management and civil servants preferred are focusing on the positive side of projects as means to legitimate the organizations and to bring change by targeting and steering activities. However, they tend to overlook the negative consequences from projects. Citizens and participants experience frustration and distrust. The long-term development in organizations is scarce. Projects are seldom implemented meanwhile as the problems the projects were expected to target still are remaining or even are increasing.

The study aims to analyze the City of Malmö's vision of a city of knowledge and the extent towhich neoliberalism is in the transformation, from a classic industrial city to an informationsociety. The Western Harbor and Hyllie projects seem to be potential areas to be developed inMalmö to achieve it so-called city of knowledge. This essay comes through a content analysisand idea analysis of the empirical material, analyzed based on four dimensions thatcharacterize the neoliberal ideology. The study's theoretical starting points are based on JanHylen's theory of "dimensions" and are useful for identifying and analyzing ideologies. Thechosen dimensions that are categorized are, the ideology's human view, social theory,economic ideals and view of morality. The results showed that there is a strong neoliberalinfluence in the planning of the city of knowledge Malmö. The dimensions are expressed inthe planning of both Västra hamnen and Hyllie.

I avsaknad av ett existentiellt hot påbörjades efter kalla krigets slut en transformation av de europeiska försvarsmakterna. Den europeiska integrationen skulle öka staternas säkerhet varpå försvarbudgetarna sakta krympte samtidigt som EU:s fria rörligheter även förenklade rörligheten av skadliga och oönskade element. Kombinationen av bristande ekonomi och en utökad hotbild krävde flexibla och kostnadseffektiva förband. Försvarmakten deklarerade under perioden "strategisk timeout" där den strategiska försvarsplanering reducerades till ett minimum i syfte att istället identifiera Försvarsmaktens framtida förmågor samt vilka förband som skulle bistå med förmågorna. Den ursprungliga ambitionen reducerades kraf-tigt av krympande försvarsanslag och stor påverkan av regional- och industripolitik. För-svarsmakten befann sig i en kaotisk period där förbanden agerade främst för sitt eget bästa snarare än Försvarsmaktens.

Under dessa förutsättningar var förbandens närvaro på den internationella insatsarenan en försäkring för förbandets överlevnad.

Röjdykardivisionen utvecklade under perioden det nya förbandet marinens EOD med för-måga att röja minor både på land och under ytan.

Uppsatsen har syftat till att förklara varför, i konkurrens med andra minröjande förband, Röjdyk tilläts utveckla en förmåga som sedan utnyttjades på den internationella landarenan.

Denna uppsats gör en ansats att förklara fenomenet med hjälp av Graham Allisons tre förkla-ringsmodeller som betraktar händelser ur ett rationellt perspektiv, ett organisatoriskt per-spektiv och ett maktkampsperspektiv.

Resultatet beskriver bl.a. att Röjdyk kunde utvecklas på grund av att förbandet var kostnads-effektivt och insatsfokuserat, producerade välavvägda och realistiska handlingsalternativ, hade den gemensamma viljan inom hela förbandet att sträva mot ett tydligt mål.

Integrationsfrågan ligger högt upp på den politiska agendan efter ett högt lyktingmottagande till Sverige de senaste tio åren. En av de kommuner som haft ett betydande mottagande är Lessebo kommun, där man bland annat initierat ett integrationsprojekt för att förbättra integrationen i kommunen genom samverkan. Studien är en fallstudie av integrationsarbetet

Lessebo kommun med en utgångspunkt i teorin om multi-level governance. Syftet var att svara på hur samverkan på området sett ut bland de medverkande aktörerna. Det låg även i studiens intresse att se hur kontinuiteten och framtidsutsikterna såg ut för integrationsarbetet.

Detta undersöktes genom kvalitativa intervjuer och studien visade att Lessebo kommun har ett förhållandevis djupt samverkansarbete inom integrationsområdet. Studien visade att det finns strukturella utmaningar inför framtiden, där bland annat regelverk bör ses över för att harmonisera bättre med hur man arbetar med integration. Resultatet visar dock även att samverkansforumet varit öppet och att samtliga medverkande uppfattat sitt inflytande som gott.

”African Solutions to African Problems” är en av Afrikanska Unionens nya ledord. Denna vilja om att ta mer ansvar för den afrikanska kontinenten och kunna agera som en säkerhetsaktör har resulterat i en ny säkerhetsdoktrin. För att kunna agera som aktör på den internationella arenan krävs att vissa förutsättningar existerar enligt en modell framtagen av Gunnar Sjöstedt. Dessa strukturella och institutionella förutsättningar kommer i denna studie att undersökas för att analysera huruvida AU kan agera som säkerhetsaktör. För att se hur AU de facto har agerat som säkerhetsaktör kommer organisationens agerande i Somalia år 2007-2010 samt i Libyen år 2011 att undersökas.  Den teoretiska anknytning som antas i studien är regimteori vilken fokuserar på att studera och förklara uppkomst och fortlevnad av samarbete inom internationella institutioner.

Den empiriska analysen visar att AU saknar vissa strukturella och institutionella förutsättningar som anses nödvändiga för aktörskapaciteten. Den visar även att de målsättningar som har legat till grund för skapandet av dessa institutioner inte har förverkligats samt att regler och principer inte efterlevs.Vidare demonstrerar AU:s agerande i Somalia och Libyen att begreppet ”African Solutions to African Problems” är långt ifrån operationaliserat då AU inte kunnat enas om en respons samt agera samstämmigt i de kriser som undersöks. 

 This two part thesis investigates the lack of definition of the wording “all necessary means” and how it ultimately impacts a decision making gap between the Security Council and the troop contributing countries regarding the use of force in UN peace operations. The assumptions are based on Reus-Smit’s constructivist theory, emphasizing that both politics and international law needs to be studied with a holistic approach in order to understand how the two realms shape each other. The assumption of this thesis is that “all necessary means” is not providing enough guidance to constrain the TCCs to behave as sovereign, equal actors in an anarchical structure. The second part of the thesis is a within-case-study of MONUC/MONUSCO, and the Security Council resolution 2098 that established the Force Intervention Brigade.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka Sverigedemokraternas ideologiska utveckling och dess koppling till högerpopulism övertid. Genom att analysera partiets principprogram från 1989, 2011 och 2023 samt relevanta teoretiska ramverk för populism, presenterar uppsatsen en fördjupad förståelse för partiets politiska förändringar över tid. Studien integrerar teoretiska perspektiv från forskare som Mudde (2017), Eatwell och Goodwin (2018) för att analysera Sverigedemokraternas utveckling inom ramen för de olika idealtyperna av populism. Dessutom granskas tidigare forskning för att belysa partiets politiska strategier och ideologiska förändringar. Resultaten pekar på en ökad betoning av högerpopulistiska ståndpunkter inom Sverigedemokraterna, särskilt när det gäller invandringsfrågor och nationalistisk retorik. Samtidigt diskuteras de potentiella konsekvenserna av denna förändring för politisk polarisering och social stabilitet i Sverige. Slutligen ger studien insikter i högerpopulismens växande inflytande som fenomen, både nationellt och globalt, och understryker vikten av att främja demokratiska värderingar och social sammanhållning för att möta dessa utmaningar på ett konstruktivt sätt.

The end of the Cold War crucially changed the way in which the world is organised and brought an end to what is referred to as the “old” regionalism. A trend towards some form of “new” regionalism has thus been observed during the 1990s. The objective of this thesis is therefore, firstly, to outline the characteristics of the new regionalism in order to examine to what extent the phenomenon is reflected in the reality of regional organisations, and, secondly, to establish which model of co-operation the same organisations can be said to follow. Following this idea, a comparative case study is performed with the selected cases of NAFTA and MERCOSUR, on which a theoretical model for analysis is applied in order to establish whether theories of International Relations, in this case Liberalism and Realism, can explain the emergence and existence of both organisations.

Results show that NAFTA is less inclined to show signs of the trend towards the new regionalism than MERCOSUR does, and that NAFTA to a larger extent follows a realist model of co-operation, while MERCOSUR follows a more liberal model of co-operation.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has emerged as an exogenous shock to global food supply chains, which foreshadows worrying impacts on Africa’s food security and nutrition, and threaten to derail national and global efforts to end hunger and poverty and to achieve sustainable development goals on the continent. This article provides an early assessment of the implications of the invasion for Africa’s food supply chains and food security. Two particularly aggravating factors, which explain the current and likely future impact of the invasion on Africa’s food security are discussed: the timing of the invasion and the two parties involved in the conflict. The article underlines four major channels by which the invasion disrupts African food supply chains: energy markets and shipping routes, availability and prices of agricultural production inputs, domestic food price inflation, and trade sanctions and other financial measures. In addition, the article considers the risk of social and political unrest that disruption to food supply chains and spikes in domestic food prices may inflame. Finally, the paper briefly discusses options for short- and long-term responses by African governments and their development partners to mitigate the repercussions of the conflict on food supply chains, boost food and nutrition security, and build resilience of Africa’s food systems

Apart from being a humanitarian tragedy, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has also emerged as an exogenous shock to global food supply chains, with severe consequences for many African countries in particular. Four months into the invasion, we can see three main threats to food security in Africa: a disruption to energy markets and shipping routes; a shortage of fertilizers; and the negative ‘third-party’ effects of sanctions imposed on and by Russia.

Media whether it is visible, audible or readable plays a substantial role when it comes to transferring news and events from all over the world and providing information to the public around the globe. Global news agencies and press representation of many issues, such as wars, conflicts and political dilemmas differ, depending of national origin or political leanings. The events leading up to the Brexit referendum, which took place in the United Kingdom on 23 June 2016, marked a turbulent political moment for the UK. One central issue at the center of this vote was immigration. Nevertheless, how the issues surrounding migration emerged in the news during this period, and especially how media can then be a place for the creation and reinforcement of political debate, have been understudied. To fill this gap, in this study I investigate how the right-wing represented EU and non-EU migrants in UK in light of the rise of populism across Europe. This study looks at two conservative British newspapers "tabloids": Daily Mail and Daily Express. Then with these incidents and two newspapers, this explores how images are rooted in political debate and become representative of it. I conclude that a negative portrayal and debate on migration is reflected in the right-leaning Daily Express and Daily Express. They both tried to create a less supportive and were more hostile debate regarding to migration policy and migrants in UK which helped spread populist thought among people. Furthermore, the thesis demonstrates that images are a crucial element in the development and strengthening of politized discourses.

In their Natural Resource Governance and EITI Implementation in Nigeria, Musa Abutudu and Dauda Garuba provide the most up-to-date and in-depth analysis of the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), providing a balanced yet critical evaluation of its performance, limitations and potential as an institution for helping Africa’s largest oil exporter to escape the so called resource curse and lay a firm basis for sustainable development. This Current African Issue contains valuable insights and information that will be of interest to all those with a keen interest in institutionalising transparency and accountability in natural resource governance in Africa.

The transitional period of the Kyrgyz economy from planned to free market economy modified the structure of the textile sector. The state owned big textile producers were fragmented into small sized private apparel manufacturers. The main success factor of transformation was the international trade regulation and international textile market conjuncture. Latest regionalization processes of Kyrgyz apparel exporting countries modify the existing competitive advantage of Kyrgyz apparel cluster and obligate to redesign the supply chain in order to withstand the disruption. The main purpose of the paper is to analyze the success factors of resilient supply chain during transitional period and the possibility of transferring from the global to a regional supply chain as the main resilience factor of Kyrgyz apparel companies.

Trots att ett flertal åtgärder riktats för att förbättra situationen för de som faller offer för hedersvåld finns det en koherens om att mycket lite faktiskt hänt inom området. Syftet med uppsatsen var främst att undersöka hur Socialtjänsten, polisen och frivilliga jourer behandlar hederskonflikter och varför det uppstått ett misslyckande i att hjälpa de utsatta. Undersökningen tillämpades utefter den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen. En viktig slutsats från projektet är att det främst krävs en kunskapsutveckling inom området om det skall vara möjligt att nå framsteg. En annan förutsättning är att införliva en fungerande integrationspolitik i Sverige.

This thesis focuses on the usage of military drones, a type of semi-autonomous weapon, which has shifted the premises of conventional warfare, particularly relating to the ethics and legality of warfare. This paper examines the conditions that affect the civilian casualties in United States (U.S.) drone attacks. Drawing on Graham Allison’s work on the factors that influence U.S. foreign policy decision making, I theorize that civilian collateral casualties are more likely under certain conditions. These conditions changes depending on the type of administration in office, level of organization pressure, and the value and level of risk a target directs towards the U.S. In light of the discussion and the effect of drones on civilian casualties a debate upon the proportionality principle will be assessed. In the assessment a cost and benefit analysis is made between the military goal and civilian casualties (Gardam,1993). The proportionality principle refers to the balancing act of the excessive use of force on civilians in relation to the military goal.

This paper is using a quantitative method. This study investigate data on US drone attacks, sourced from Bureau of Investigative Journalism, covering 733 attacks in four countries (Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan) during the time period from 2002 to 2016. Based on Allison’s model three hypotheses are formulated and evaluated against the data using descriptive statistic and t-tests. The empirical result suggests that there was a statistical significance in all three hypotheses, indicating that it was possible to detect that under certain circumstances drone attacks are more likely to lead to more civilian casualties. However, when one observed the total casualties in proportion to the civilian casualties the result was not as grand as anticipated. However, the findings of this paper illustrates a pattern that during certain premises and cost and benefit analyses, the usage of drones are causing a greater risk towards civilians. Thus, these discussions further develop an already existing debate on today’s focus on military autonomous weapons and the results of using such weapons. Hence, this type of study can be applied to other military autonomous weapons as well. In light of the discussion of the proportionality principle, this paper suggest that the development of autonomous military weapons should not be taken lightly and an improvement of international regulations should perhaps be made. 

Building on historical institutionalism, this paper explores gradual institutional change. As previous research on institutional change has focused on shifts towards gender equality, there is less known about gender-inequitable changes. The reversal of abortion rights in the United States by overturning Roe v. Wade (1973) demonstrates the need to study gender-inequitable changes. By being attentive to the characteristics of the U.S. government and legislative system when looking at this historical process, this paper seeks to contribute to our knowledge of how this reform of abortion rights has come about. This theoretical perspective facilitates the exploration of the institutional context by analyzing what kinds of strategies and behaviors by actors have been successful and what have failed. The actors seeking to challenge existing rules have been forced to adjust their strategies in the different phases of this process to achieve their long-term goal of reversing abortion rights. 

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka lärare och lärarstudenters etiska förhållningssätt, utifrån förvaltningsetik och egenetik, gällande implementeringen av informationsplikten. Dessutom vad respondenterna uttrycker vara acceptabla ageranden mot informationsplikten, utifrån styrningsreaktionerna: lojalitet, protest, obstruktion och sorti. För att ta reda på detta har studien utgått från en kvalitativ metod. Där semistrukturerade samtalsintervjuer har blivit metoden för insamlandet av empirisk data. Med hjälp av Lennart Lundquists teori om tjänstepersoners etiska förhållningssätt och styrningsreaktioner har vi kunnat använda detta som teoretiskt verktyg för att analysera respondenternas svar. Det framgår av intervjuerna att respondenterna har ett övervägande förvaltningsetiskt förhållningssätt till implementeringen av informationsplikten, dock finns det ett fåtal respondenter som har egenetiskt förhållningssätt. Gällande styrningsreaktionerna anser majoriteten av respondenter att lojalitet, protest, obstruktion och sorti är acceptabla ageranden mot informationsplikten. De som har en avvikande åsikt är två lärarstudenter som anser att sorti inte är ett accepterat agerande. Även två lärare som inte kunde ge ett konkret svar om obstruktion och sorti är acceptabla ageranden mot informationsplikten. 

The inquiry is focusing on why island autonomy occurs. Our point of departure considers four possible conditions such as geographical distance, ethnicity, GDP/capita and size according to population leading towards island autonomy. We use two sample groups in our study: one encompassing autonomous islands deriving from different parts of the world, with three main islands illustrating what we mean by island autonomy. These consist of the Azores, the Faroe Islands and Isle of Man. The second group consists of so called non-autonomous islands scattered around the world. The analysis is carried out with a specific technique within the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) family and that is Multi-Value QCA (MVQCA). MVQCA is an extension of the Crisp-Set QCA (CSQCA) and withholds a dichotomous dependent variable, while the possible explanatory variables (independent variables) can have multi-values. As a second technique Fuzzy-Set QCA (FSQCA) is employed as a control technique only. While assessing these techniques we receive combinations of conditions leading to the outcome in question. Results show that with MVQCA we receive four different paths towards island autonomy. Ethnicity as the only explanation is one route towards the outcome. A second path is small or large size. Long geographical distance combined with no ethnic diversity is a third way towards island autonomy. The fourth path is long geographical distance combined with the lower or upper middle income group. All the paths are equally valid.

The article provides insights into how a Private Sector Partnership (PSP) between government and local firms in Lagos, Nigeria, became enmeshed in local politics. Drawing largely on primary data, it reports that aided by a discourse which positioned the PSP as the embodiment of local interests, the partnership was deployed by politicians to generate political capital. Furthermore, Mega Infrastructure Projects (MIP s) paved the way for the government to intervene in the partnership. The hiring of a foreign firm by the government was seen by local firms as an attempt to marginalise them and by politicians as a challenge to entrenched local powers. Local firms fought back by creating strategic alliances and networks with politicians. Hence, the PSP was turned into a site of resistance politics. Ultimately, the saga led to the unravelling of the partnership. At the broadest level, the article highlights how globally circulating neoliberal urban visions are grounded within specific cities.

While the same formal candidate selection rules are generally in place throughout a state, there is often intracountry variation in male descriptive overrepresentation. To explain this variation, scholars cannot focus exclusively on women (e.g., how do women respond to formal institutional opportunities?) or femininity (e.g., how do norms governing appropriate female behavior affect women's odds of being selected as a candidate?). Rather, scholars must attend to the ways that informal norms regarding masculinity operate across space and time within a country. Drawing on the insights of feminist institutionalism, this essay examines two intracountry sources of variation in candidate selection: the spatial urban-rural divide and temporal differences between first-time recruitment and renomination. While the formal candidate selection rules are uniform, informal institutions vary depending on where and when we look, leading to different levels of male overrepresentation.

The author analyses the reasons behind the electoral success of European right-wing populist parties. Using the Austrian Freedom Party under Jörg Haider as a case study and with a richness of primary material, he argues that their success is only partly caused by "racism". It is also, and more prominently, the result of populism – i.e. a critique of the "elite". These parties and their voters should not, then, be labelled as arrogant insiders attacking downtrodden outsiders like immigrants, workers, and minorities. Instead, the right-wingers are more justly portrayed as outsiders and underdogs, raising their anger and frustration against the insiders: the "media elite" and the "leftists and the artists".

In this piece, Goran Adamson argues that the anti-racist rhetoric is naive and dangerously counter-productive. In theory, they refer to populist parties fueling on the anti-racist elite’s outcries. In practise, however, the anti-racists have forgotten all about it, and seem to believe that right-wing populism will vanish if only it is told off. Shocked, anti-racists say populist parties gain voters despite having certain views. But nobody votes on a party despite its view. True to leftist sensationalism, anti-racists always talk about fascism within right-wing populist parties, thereby overlooking a wide array of other causes for voter appeal. Prone to instant aggression, anti-racists react with fury to any populist provocation, thereby contributing to the meteoric rise of contemporary populism in the West. Instead of conducting a proper analysis, anti-racists say how can people vote on these parties and so on - much like an anti-racist bourgeoisie. Anti-racists, Goran Adamson claims, seem to think knowledge of right-wing populism is compromising, as if you would be tainted by it. In fact, it is the other way around. Criticism requires knowledge - and an ignorant anti-racist might, in the long run, have no power to resist the allure of right-wing populism. People vote on right-wing populist parties, anti-racists maintain, because these people fail to understand. But they claim they do, even though they have reached other conclusions. The responsibility of the financial and political classes for provoking popular reactions is minimized, while the distress among ordinary people is belittled or moralized. The political class ignores a central leftist principle: social behavior has often political/economic explanations. As a direct result of multiculturalism, the pet theory among anti-racists, society’s underprivileged groups - domestic workers and migrants - are in constant conflict instead of uniting against globalization and neoliberal deregulation. This is called divide and rule. In their quest for ideological purity, any anti-EU sentiment, anti-racists claim, is right-wing extreme, hence driving scores of voters into the arms of right-wing populism. These parties are further boosted by the fact that anti-racists sneer at family values and cultural traditionalism. Vocal victims of EU’s austerity measures are dismissed as right-wingers, further fueling political polarization. Popular and populist, anti-racists maintain, is basically the same thing. As a result, democracy becomes politically tainted, and the anti-racist elites are the only safe-guard against unaccountable elites. Right-wing populists never cease to talk about our roots, while multiculturalists never stop talking about roots overseas. Save for that geographic detail, they are two branches of the politicalromantic tree. Right-wing populist parties prosper, but not despite anti-racist efforts, Goran Adamson argues, but as a result of them.

Women’s rights to safe abortion have become recognized as a human rights imperative, and within the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women(CEDAW), States are obligated to ensure access to abortion. Despite this, abortion laws vary around the world. This suggests that norms of liberalized abortion laws stick better in some contexts than others. This study analyzes and compares norms related to abortion of the Philippines and the Republic of Ireland, in relation to the CEDAW Committee, through the lens of norm translation. The purpose is to explore to what extent the theoretical framework of norm translation can be used to understand how the government in the Philippines and respectively, Ireland, interact with human rights norms of liberalized abortion laws in the context of CEDAW, and if these interactions have produced legislative change. The study uses a qualitative content analysis to examine reports submitted as part of CEDAW’s monitoring procedure. The study concludes that the CEDAW Committees’ ideas on abortion coincide with those supported bythe State Party of the Philippines and Ireland, to some extent; norm translation can describe this to a great extent; norm translation can help us understand how the State Parties’ produce norm consistent measures and policies to a great extent; norm translation cannot describe why humanrights norms of liberalized abortion laws appear to have stuck better in Ireland than in the Philippines.

The University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship (CAS) in South Africa; the Nordic Africa Institute (NAI) in Uppsala, Sweden; and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) office in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, convened a high-level policy dialogue on "Pax Africana and Africa’s Post-Cold War Security Architecture: Peacemaking, Peacekeeping, and Peacebuilding." The meeting was held on 19 and 20 May 2023 in Addis Ababa. Representatives of the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), as well as key policymakers from the United Nations (UN)and the European Union (EU); joined by leading academics, diplomats, and civil society activists, participated in the policy dialogue. The meeting addressed the role of key domestic, regional, and external actors in strengthening Africa’s post-Cold War security architecture across the continent’s five sub-regions. This report is based largely on key discussions and policy recommendations from the policy dialogue.  

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka strömningarna i diskursen kring hur den svenska staten bör organisera sitt anti-diskrimineringsarbete. Teoretiska utgångspunkter och använda teorier är makt, diskriminering, grupp, diskursteori, intersektionalitet och författarnas eget begrepp för att benämna motståndarna till intersektionalitet; särsektionalitet. Metoden bygger på den anglosaxiska diskursteorin genom en identifikation av tre teman byggda på teorierna. Uppsatsen tar avstamp i SOU 2006:22 En sammanhållen diskrimineringslagstiftning Slutbetänkande av Diskrimineringskommittén och låter sju huvudaktörer komma till tals. Genom dessa aktörer identifieras två huvuddiskurser; en delvis intersektionell diskurs som är för en sammanslagning och en särsektionell diskurs som är mot en sammanslagning. Uppsatsen slutsats är att förståelsen för intersektionalitet bland berörda aktörer är väldigt låg och att en sammanslagning av ombudsmännen i dagsläget därmed inte skulle uppfylla det intersektionella syftet flera aktörer verkar förespråka.

In Sweden, children who are subject to harm from themselves or their family cangain a stable housing situation through varying forms. One case that has been criticizedimmensely in recent years is that of Esmeralda Gustafsson, a child that had been placed in aso-called family home which is a form of arrangement within the Swedish welfare system.This arrangement was cut short due to the biological family’s will of it to cease, laterresulting in the death of Esmeralda Gustafsson. After this, huge public concern was raisedover the existing judiciary which regulates family relations in such a way that children's ownwants and needs are essentially put aside in favor of reuniting biological families.In response to this outcry The Swedish Government Offices deemed the death of “Littleheart”, Esmeralda Gustafsson, a tragedy and put forth a bill in efforts of changing the lawssurrounding such placement of children. The aim of this essay is to analyze and problematizesaid bill through a WPR-analysis. The most important findings include the fact that children’sown interests are still neglected through some aspects of the bill due to underlyingassumptions regarding this problem.

This collection of essays examines the decade (1986-97) that brackets the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and is both a narrative of that event and a deep reexamination of the international role in ad-dressing humanitarian issues and complex emergencies. Nineteen donor countries and seventeen international organizations have pooled their efforts for an in-depth evaluation of the international response to the conflict in Rwanda.

The purpose of this study is to examine the existng political discourse in the political document Tidö Avtalet, through Carol Baachi's disourse analysis framework What's the problem represented to be (WPR) to uncover implicit problem representation. And by using discourse theory to uncover the power dynamic and the intent of words, also the formation of words and it's meaning in Tidö Avtalet's migration policy. Which is an agreement between the far-right political wing in the Swedish parliament in term of office between the year 2022-2026. Tidöavtalet consist of seven different focus areas, described as problem ridden areas by the far-right coalition parliament. 

The results of the study point to the fact that the existing coalition parliament wants to regulate and rework the migration policy in Sweden and by doing so, will create the existence of proposals and constitutional amendments. This will in turn directly affect those seeking refugee in Sweden. Tidö Avtalet has been literary constructed by using words that emphasizes the asylum seekers obligation to follow the enforced asylum seeking laws in Sweden. There is a rather strict usage of words to describe the current climate surrounding the migration politics in Sweden. Which will affect the processing and investigation of asylum seekers. 

Humanitarian intervention is a concept that generates several problems in our time. The idea of humanitarian intervention concerns the modern norms of sovereignty and noninterventional principals. It also concerns the conventional norm, which declares that states are not allowed to interfere in other states’ internal affairs. The use of military force to implement humanitarian intervention is restricted according to international law. This is what this thesis intends to investigate. The purpose was to find out the causes behind the intervention in Libya, which was carried out by NATO. The main questions were (1) to find out if the intervention in Libya was a humanitarian intervention (2) or if there were other motives that were behind the intervention. Two classical international relations theories have been utilized for the analysis. The analysis focused on the five UN Security Council members’ statements and arguments, which have been expressed in the UN Security Council. This issue created a gap between the members of the Security Council, especially between the Western states and the Russian and Chinese authorities

Although democratic innovations (DIs) are spread all over the world, there is little research on the institutional outcomes of implementing such innovations in governmental organisations. To remedy this, it is important to focus on cases where DIs have been implemented and formally connected to the policymaking process over a longer period. Reykjavik provides such a case. Drawing on observations and interviews with key stakeholders over a period of three years, this study analyses how the institutional logic of DIs influenced the local government in Reykjavik. The study presents two conclusions: First, it is clear that one equilibrium (representative democracy) has not been replaced by another (participatory democracy). Second, there is no peaceful co-existence between the two, but instead the outcome is an organisation in ‘a state of flux’. There are several factors contributing to this outcome, but three stand out: a populist power-shift, dissatisfaction with theworking of the implemented DIs and deliberative ambiguity. In the final part of the article, the institutional outcome is discussed in relation to overall consequences for the political system.

There are many indicators that the representative democratic system is currently facing serious legitimacy challenges. Two central indicators of these challenges are changing patterns of political participation and a decline in system support. Against this backdrop, a growing number of governments claim that democratic innovations (DIs) could reconnect institutions with citizens. This thesis focuses on online DIs implemented in real political contexts, and the overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the emergent empirical scholarship on how DIs can influence political systems. In the last two decades, most empirical studies in the field have analysed DIs at the micro level.

This thesis takes a different stance by posing system-related research questions to the implementation of DIs and, by doing so, showing how DIs are interrelated with, rather than isolated from, the political system and that DIs can influence political systems. The thesis consists of one literature review and three empirical case studies, applying a multiple methodological approach. Its novelty lies in three main empirical findings that contribute to the development of the field. First, it shows that participation in DIs can influence citizens’ perceived trust towards local political institutions. In addition, the results suggest that predispositions and prior engagement mediate the direction of change in trust amongst citizens. Secondly, the results show that DIs can perform different political functions, such as facilitating spaces for citizens to provide original ideas and deliberation, while also having an agenda-setting function. Thirdly, the result suggest that long-term institutional change is complex and that the implementation of DIs can create a situation in which civil servants and politicians perceive their organisation to be in some ‘state of flux’, as they are torn between two competing institutional logics. In conclusion, this thesis should be understood as a piece in a broader movement that works towards a systemic approach to the study of DIs, and that by showing these empirical findings, the thesis contributes to deepening our understanding of what influences and functions DIs can have in political systems.