Living labs as a research approach have been said to hold many promises regarding the evaluation of state-of-the art technologies in real-world contexts, for instance by allowing close cooperation with various stakeholders. At the same time, a living lab approach is connected with substantial complexity and increased risk. This paper elaborates on a conducted living lab with the objective to explore challenges and opportunities of mobile participation. For this purpose, a novel mobile application enabling interaction between citizens and city authorities was tested over a period of five months in Turku, Finland. In this paper, we describe identified risks associated with a living lab approach to mobile participation research. We conclude with an overall evaluation regarding the appropriateness of the living lab approach within the e-participation research field and provide recommendations on how to balance potential and risk in future projects. 

Purpose: Technology access, digital skills, and digital services are increasingly prerequisites for public life and accessing public services. The digital divide in contemporary societies matters for efforts to digitalize the welfare state. Research has already mapped individual determinants of digital exclusion and the existence of an age-related digital divide. However, far less attention has been paid to variations in digital inclusion between countries and to their potential explanations related to political systems. This study explores the influence of variations in welfare regimes on the digital divide among seniors (aged 65+) in Europe.

Design/methodology/approach: This article presents time-series cross-sectional analyses of the relationship between welfare state regimes and digital inclusion among seniors in European countries. The analyses are based on data from Eurostat, the World Bank, and the UN E-Government Survey.

Findings: The authors find extensive variation in the digital inclusion of citizens between welfare regimes and argue that considering regime differences improves the understanding of these variations. The findings indicate that the age-related digital divide seems to be least evident in countries with more universalistic welfare regimes and most evident in countries where seniors rely more on their families.

Originality/value: This is the first comparative study of the association between welfare state regimes and digital inclusion among seniors.

Purpose: The purpose of the study is to explore potential value conflicts between information security work and whistleblowing activities by analysing attitudes to whistleblowing among white-collar workers in Swedish organisations.

Design/methodology/approach: The study is conducted using survey data among (n = 674) Swedish white-collar workers. Statistical analyses are conducted to explore variations in acceptance of whistleblowing and analyse the relationship between acceptance for whistleblowing and information security attitudes and behaviours.

Findings: The study finds strong support for whistleblowing in both public and private spheres, and by both private and public sector employees. The study also finds stronger acceptance for intra-organisational whistleblowing, while support for external whistleblowing is low. Finally, the study shows that the whistleblowing activities might be perceived as coming in conflict with information security work, even as the support for including whistleblowing functions in information security practices is high.

Research limitations/implications: With a focus on one country, the study is limited in terms of empirical scope. It is also limited by a relatively small number of respondents and survey items relating to whistleblowing, which in turn affects its explanatory value. However, the study does provide unique new insight into a specific form of non-compliance, i.e. whistleblowing, which merits further investigation.

Originality/value: Few studies exist that combine insights from the fields of whistleblowing and information security research. Thus, this study provides a basis for further investigation into attitudes and behaviours linked to whistleblowing in public and private organisations, as well as attendant value conflicts related to information security management and practice.

Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling - Tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet samlar texter från doktorander och forskare knutna till Forskarskolan Offentlig verksamhet i utveckling (FOVU) vid Örebro Universitet. Antologin erbjuder en mångdisciplinär och omfångsrik behandling av en rad viktiga utmaningar för dagens offentlig verksamhet. I boken behandlas ämnen som korruption, jämställdhet, trygghet, medborgardialog, sjukskrivning och högerextremism. Målsättningen med boken är att skapa en bro mellan inomvetenskapliga debatter, offentlig praktik och politik. Här erbjuds kortare texter som på ett överskådligt sätt angriper praktikrelevanta ämnen utan att göra avkall på den vetenskapliga kvaliteten. Vissa texter erbjuder forskningsöversikter och reder ut oklarheter i teoretiska debatter, medan andra presenterar resultat av empirisk forskning.

Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling - Tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet samlar texter från doktorander och forskare knutna till Forskarskolan Offentlig verksamhet i utveckling (FOVU) vid Örebro Universitet. Antologin erbjuder en mångdisciplinär och omfångsrik behandling av en rad viktiga utmaningar för dagens offentlig verksamhet. I boken behandlas ämnen som korruption, jämställdhet, trygghet, medborgardialog, sjukskrivning och högerextremism. Målsättningen med boken är att skapa en bro mellan inomvetenskapliga debatter, offentlig praktik och politik. Här erbjuds kortare texter som på ett överskådligt sätt angriper praktikrelevanta ämnen utan att göra avkall på den vetenskapliga kvaliteten. Vissa texter erbjuder forskningsöversikter och reder ut oklarheter i teoretiska debatter, medan andra presenterar resultat av empirisk forskning.

Revolution is far from a common outcome of social mobilization with support of ICTs and social media. In fact, the thresholds for political engagement among citizens, in democracies and authoritarian regimes alike, remain largely unchanged by recent technological advancements. We are by no means suggesting that social media and ICTs are without consequences for political mobilization and social change. In fact, we are dedicated to understanding this area because of our belief in the transformative potential of ICTs.

Skolnedläggelser utvecklas inte sällan till besvärliga situationer där känsloladdademedborgarprotester får stort genomslag i lokal media. Mångaföreträdare för kommunerna i det Nationella kommunforskningsprogrammet(Natkom) har i det sammanhanget hänvisat till antagandet att skolnedläggelsergenerellt genererar sämre resultat i det nästkommande valet till kommunfullmäktige.Risken att förlora viktiga röster i nästa val upplevs såledessom en begränsning för det politiska styrets handlingskraft. Syftet med denhär studien är därför att undersöka om nedläggningar om kommunala grundskolorger avtryck i det nästkommande valet till kommunfullmäktige.Vi har studerat valresultaten från valen till kommunfullmäktige 2006och 2010 i 46 av kommunforskningsprogrammets 47 medlemskommuner(Stockholm är inte med i materialet). Vi har jämfört valresultaten för de tvåstörsta styrande partierna samt det största oppositionspartiet i de kommunersom lagt ner åtminstone en grundskola under de aktuella mandatperiodernamed valresultaten i de kommuner som inte har lagt ner några grundskolor.De genomsnittliga förändringarna i valresultaten i de kommuner som lagtner skolor skiljer sig inte från de kommuner som inte lagt ner någon skola.I de specifika valkretsar där de nedlagda skolorna är belägna framkommervisserligen ett litet negativt bruttoavtryck, men de medelvärdena är dockinte jämförda med valkretsar utan skolnedläggelser. Det finns heller ingetentydigt avtryck av skolnedläggelser i valdeltagandet i valet till kommunfullmäktige– de genomsnittliga ökningarna i de valkretsar och kommunersom lagt ner skolor är lika stora som i de kommuner som inte lagt ner någraskolor. Samma resultat avspeglas i att andelen maktskiften t. o. m. är någotlägre i kommuner som lagt ner skolor än i de som inte lagt ner några skolor.Sammantaget pekar således den här studien på att de kontroverser och denuppmärksamhet som emellanåt kantar beslut om skolnedläggelser inte motsvarasav liknande negativa avtryck i valen till kommunfullmäktige. Det finnsinga belägg i den här studien för att styrande partier som tar beslut om attlägga ner skolor generellt förlorar röster i det nästkommande valet eller att skolnedläggelser överhuvudtaget gör något generellt avtryck i valen till kommunfullmäktige.

Purpose: This paper aims to investigate two different types of compliance measures: the first measure is a value-monistic compliance measure, whereas the second is a value-pluralistic measure, which introduces the idea of competing organisational imperatives.

Design/methodology/approach: A survey was developed using two sets of items to measure compliance. The survey was sent to 600 white-collar workers and analysed through ordinary least squares.

Findings: The results suggest that when using the value-monistic measure, employees' compliance was a function of employees' intentions to comply, their self-efficacy and awareness of information security policies. In addition, compliance was not related to the occurrence of conflicts between information security and other organisational imperatives. However, when the dependent variable was changed to a value-pluralistic measure, the results suggest that employees' compliance was, to a great extent, a function of the occurrence of conflicts between information security and other organisational imperatives, indirect conflicts with other organisational values.

Research limitations/implications: The results are based on small survey; yet, the findings are interesting and justify further investigation. The results suggest that relevant organisational imperatives and value systems, along with information security values, should be included in measures for employees' compliance with information security policies.

Practical implications: Practitioners and researchers should be aware that there is a difference in measuring employees' compliance using value monistic and value pluralism measurements.

Originality/value: Few studies exist that critically compare the two different compliance measures for the same population.

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to survey existing information security culture research to scrutinise the kind of knowledge that has been developed and the way in which this knowledge has been brought about.

Design/methodology/approach – Results are based on a literature review of information security culture research published between 2000 and 2013 (December).

Findings – This paper can conclude that existing research has focused on a broad set of research topics, but with limited depth. It is striking that the effects of different information security cultures have not been part of that focus. Moreover, existing research has used a small repertoire of research methods, a repertoire that is more limited than in information systems research in general. Furthermore, an extensive part of the research is descriptive, philosophical or theoretical – lacking a structured use of empirical data – which means that it is quite immature.

Research limitations/implications – Findings call for future research that: addresses the effects of different information security cultures; addresses the identified research topics with greater depth; focuses more on generating theories or testing theories to increase the maturity of this subfield of information security research; and uses a broader set of research methods. It would be particularly interesting to see future studies that use intervening or ethnographic approaches because, to date, these have been completely lacking in existing research.

Practical implications – Findings show that existing research is, to a large extent, descriptive, philosophical or theoretical. Hence, it is difficult for practitioners to adopt these research results, such as frameworks for cultivating or assessment tools, which have not been empirically validated.

Originality/value – Few state-of-the-art reviews have sought to assess the maturity of existing research on information security culture. Findings on types of research methods used in information security culture research extend beyond the existing knowledge base, which allows for a critical discussion about existing research in this sub-discipline of information security.

Over the last decade, the European Commission has supported and initiated participatory engineering projects to foster the participation of European citizens in EU affairs. The 2009 European Citizens Consultations (ECC) is the quantitatively largest andmethodologically most complex of these projects to date, featuring multiple actors, phases andinstruments of participation. The ECC project is analysed in this chapter, addressing the case ofthe ECC online forum in Sweden, and focusing on the complex design of the project. The origin of this complexity can be traced back to the Commission’s strategies for promoting citizen participation, and the project is analysed in relation to three tensions originating from thisproject design: 1) the combination of aggregative and deliberative means of participation; 2) thepromotion of a deliberative form of participation in an online setting; and 3) the combination of separate participant groups in one project. In the concluding part of the chapter, the normative implications of these tensions for the Commission’s participatory engineering are discussed. The conclusion of the chapter recommends pursuing a simpler and more theoretically consistent design of participatory engineering that addresses more isolated objectives.

The utilization of ICTs by non-democratic regimes remains one of the most widely debated issues within the e-democracy field and has gained further importance as global e-participation rankings have indicated an expansive growth of e-participation development in non-democratic countries in recent years. Does these developments indicate a democratization of these regimes in which online participation plays a central role? This commentary article states the opposite argument drawing on empirical data on e-participation as well as filtering, surveillance and Internet censorship. The analyses indicate that non-democratic states characterized by high levels of e-participation generally combine these utilizations of ICTs with reactive strategies for controlling citizens Internet use.  These dual strategies of Internet governance generate substantial doubts about the democratizing potential of the Internet.

In recent years, a number of e-participation projects have been implemented with the objective to strengthening the relationship between European citizens and members of the European parliament (MEPs). This chapter investigates the most extensive of these projects, the European Citizens Consultations (ECC), with a focus on the relationship between citizens and MEPs. Two potential functions of e-consultations for strengthening political representation are analyzed, the connectivity function and the inquiry function. The results indicate that the ECC project fall short of offering a functional tool for strengthening political representation. Participating MEPs are shown to express disappointment with the project and participating citizens show signs of a growing dissent with the European parliament following their participation. This analysis suggests that the shortcomings of the ECC project are due to an insufficient understanding of political representation and the role of MEPs in the design of the ECC project. Three lessons of the ECC project are highlighted.

Political representatives’ democratic legitimacy rests on their ability to cover the distance between themselves and citizens. Representatives must avoid being perceived as distant and aloof from the needs and wishes of those they represent. The aim of this thesis is to increase the understanding of how new forms of communication with citizens, through participatory initiatives as well as political blogging, are used by politicians in their roles as representatives. Underlying this aim is the question of whether new forms of communication can contribute to reducing the distance between representatives and citizens. The central argument of this thesis is that such types of communication aid representative democracy only to the extent that they offer representatives efficient channels for performing functions related to political representation.

This study presents a theoretical framework that identifies potential functions of communication between representatives and citizens for political representation. Its empirical analyses, presented in five articles, find that representatives widely communicate with citizens through participatory initiatives and political blogging to aid their roles as political representatives. Furthermore, results show that representatives’ communication is significantly determined by strategic, practical, and normative factors. The representatives are found to act strategically as communication practices are adapted to accommodate their particular situations, needs and normative orientations. Keywords:

This chapter approaches the complex relationship between e-participation proc-esses and democratic legitimacy by analyzing several strategies for recruiting par-ticipants, a specific issue in the design of e-participation processes with far-reaching implications. The central argument of this chapter is that the possibility of strengthening systems of representative democracy through e-participation ini-tiatives depends on the strategies used to recruit participants into those initiatives. First a review of the theoretical discussion around strategies for the recruitment of participants and their normative implications for democratic legitimacy is pre-sented. This section is concluded with a framework of the possible strengths and weaknesses of different recruitment strategies in e-participation projects. Thereaf-ter, a broad empirical overview of e-participation projects is carried out, surveying the diffusion of different recruitment strategies in local e-consultations. This is fol-lowed by a case study of the European Citizens‟ Consultations (ECC). In the chap-ter‟s concluding discussion, lessons are drawn from the ECC case and a set of questions are formulated that should be considered in the design of e-participation projects related to the normative implications of different recruitment strategies.

The health of political parties and representative democratic institutions have been extensively questioneddue to evidence of a widespread decline in voting turnouts, political trust, party membership and ‐ identification. Anoften proposed strategy to strengthen representative democracy is for political institutions to offer new forms ofpolitical participation, so called participatory engineering. This paper explores the possibility of participatoryengineering projects in local politics to influence more interactive modes of representation among local electedrepresentatives, by analyzing a survey of local political representatives in six Swedish municipalities. The study isbased on a comparative case selection made to include municipalities where the least and the most participatoryengineering projects have been carried out. The study reveals a complex relationship between participatoryengineering and political representation. Despite a tendency of more positive attitudes towards citizens’participation and more identification with interactive modes of representation, the attitudes of the representativeswith most experience of participatory engineering still, to a great extent, agree with a party centered role ofrepresentation where pursuing the party‐line is prioritized over citizen influence. The results can be understood asan illustration of the prevailing tradition of strong political parties in Sweden, and contribute to the understandingof the outcomes of projects of participatory engineering. This study suggests that the assumed relationship betweencivic engagement and democratic gods such as political interest, ‐knowledge, ‐efficacy, and participation must beinvestigated with reference to a possible hesitance among elected representatives to adapt citizen participation totheir style of representation.

Studies of public deliberation have thus far predominantly, although not exclusively, investigated deliberative processes in small-scale settings such as experiments and democratic innovations. One of the most pressing challenges for scholars is to bridge the gap between normative theories and empirical studies of deliberative democracy, answering the question of how processes of public deliberation can be given significance in large societies. The political blogosphere is of particular interest in light of this challenge, as it constitutes a medium for political communication that offers a low threshold for participation, low communication costs, and strong possibilities for mass communication in large networks. But to what extent can the political blogosphere transform its technological opportunity structure into a functional basis for wide spread public deliberation? This study has attempts to construct and employ a measurement of deliberative communication in order to evaluate the deliberative capacity of the Swedish political blogosphere. The measurement used is based on three criteria; 1) Occurrence of interactive communication, 2) Quality of deliberation, and 3) Inclusiveness of deliberation (N=204). The analyses show that a small minority of the blogs (N=19, 9,3%) satisfies all criteria in the measurement. These blogs hosts about a fifth (N=235, 21%) of the interactive communication between bloggers and blog readers in the sample (N=1118). On a whole the study can conclude that deliberative communication is sparse and isolated to a small number of blogs in the Swedish political blogosphere. 

The decline of the mediating function of political parties-, the emergence and evolution of ICT’s as instruments for political communication and the trend of government initiated participatory engineering are developments that indicate a possible development towards more individualized communication between elected representatives and citizens. This paper examines the concept of interactivity in political representation. Interactivity is characterized as a possible strategy for performing political representation. A measurement is proposed for studying attitudes regarding interactivity among political representatives. The measurement investigates interactivity in relation to strategic functions in political representation regarding; accountability, and inquiry. In the concluding part of the paper the possibilities and implications of using the concept of interactivity in political representation and the proposed measurement in future studies are discussed. In an appendix to the paper some empirical investig tions from an analysis using the proposed measurement are presented.

Öppen dialog mellan medborgare och politiker i viktiga samhällsfrågor är ett vida omslutet ideal i dagens svenska lokaldemokrati. Samtidigt menar kritikerna att det finns stora risker med kommunernas satsningar påpolitiskt deltagande och medborgardialog. På vilka grunder kan vi anta att medborgardeltagande och dialog kan stärka den representativa demokratin? Detta kapitel fokuseras på relationen mellan medborgardialoger och den representativa demokratins etablerade institutioner.

The health of political parties and the institutions of representative democracy have been extensively questioned during the last decade due to evidence of a widespread decline in voting turnout, political trust, and party membership as well as identification. An often-proposed, but also often-questioned, strategy to strengthen representative democracy is for political institutions to offer alternative forms of political participation through so-called participatory initiatives. The literature suggests that participatory initiatives will have little impact on representative democracy if no adaptation among political representatives is apparent. This paper explores the consistency between participatory initiatives in Swedish municipalities and the attitudes, practices and role-taking of local councillors, comparing pioneer municipalities where extensive numbers of participatory initatives have been executed vis-à-vis hesitator municipalities where few initiatives have been implemented. The study indicates that local participatory initiatives may stimulate political representation by creating new channels for citizen input and communication between citizens and representatives that are supported by local councillors in the pioneer municipalities. However, the core roles of parties and councillors in representative democracy appear not to be challenged by these initiatives, being similar in both groups of municipalities. The article is concluded by a discussion of the implications of these results for the function of participatory initiatives in local democracy.

Considering the recent interest in more interactive practices in political representation, this article argues that there is a need to understand the differentiated meanings and functions of this form ofcommunication. The subject of political representation as interactive communication is addressed theoretically as well as empirically. A theoretical framework is presented identifying three strategic functions of interactive communication in political representation: (1) interactivity as accountability, (2)interactivity as inquiry, and (3) interactivity as connectivity. Also, empirical analyses are conducted among blogging politicians in Sweden. These analyses suggest that interactive communication among political representatives cannot be understood as either a radical change in terms of new interactive forms ofrepresentation breaking with earlier norms and ideals, or complete continuity. Instead, the argument is that representatives may adopt interactive communication strategically to fulfil different normative ideals of political representation.

This study examines divergent patterns of political discussion through a comparative analysis of 28 online forums, initiated by the EU-commission as part of the 2009 European Citizens Consultations. These forums shared the same design (technological and process) and had the same connection to the policy process. Still, great divergences were apparent in the intensity of discussion. Some of the forums were characterized by scarce discussion, while in others lively discussions occurred. The aim of this article is to create and understanding of these divergences. A hypothetic deductive approach is first employed, investigating three hypotheses about favourable conditions for political discussion grounded in prior studies and deliberative democratic theory. The results indicate that political discussions are more intense in forums where the level of consensus among participants is low. Thereafter a comparative case study is conducted of two forums, in order to foster a deeper understanding of these results, showing that a high level of consensus was created through intense external mobilization efforts from organized groups. The results of the analyses makes it evident that online political discussion must be studied and understood in relation to a actor-centred perspective investigating participants’ strategies and conduct.

This paper investigates determinants of online deliberation by way of a comparative study of 28 online forums initiated by the EU-commission as a part on the 2009 European Citizens Consultations.  The cases analyzed in this paper share the same design (technological, as well as process), have the same connection to the policy process, were moderated in the same way, and implemented simultaneously. Still, great divergences are apparent in the level of deliberation occurring on the forums. Some of the forum discussions between participants were scarce and voting was the dominating form of participation, while on other forums discussionwas much more intense. The empirical analysis is conducted through a hypothetic deductive approach investigating four hypotheses about determinants of online deliberation grounded in prior studies and deliberative democratic theory. The analysis investigates the effects on the level of deliberation of: the number of participants, the diversity of opinion, the occurrence of a aggregative dynamic as well as the level of engagement among participants. The results of the analysis indicate that diversity of opinion on the forum and a high level of engagement among participants seem to have reinforcing effects on online deliberation while the number of participants and the aggregative dynamic on the forums seem unrelated to the level of deliberation. These results paint a picture of online deliberation as a more robust form of political participation than earlier studies have claimed. As a recommendation for practitioners of online deliberation, the results can be interpreted as saying: do not fear mass participation, controversial topics, or combining voting and deliberation. Instead, focus your attention on finding forms and issues that promote a high level of engagement and interest from participants.

In this paper, we argue that E-participation research is at a crossroads as its theories and empirical scope are increasingly detached from the contemporary relationship between information technology and political participation.  We illustrate this challenge through two developments: (1) the dissolving boundaries between online and offline spheres of political participation and (2) the growing dissociation between ICTs and democracy. In light of these developments, we present a potential path forward for the field, inspired by the so-called "systemic turn" in research on deliberative democracy and democratic innovations. We argue for a perspective that emphasises the relationship between E-participation and the political system in which it is enacted.  In our conclusion, this allows us to present alternative potential directions for future research within the field.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the occurrence of value conflicts between information security and other organizational values among white-collar workers. Further, analyzes are conducted of the relationship between white-collar workers' perceptions of the culture of their organizations and value conflicts involving information security.

Design/methodology/approach: Descriptive analyses and regression analyses were conducted on survey data gathered among two samples of white-collar workers in Sweden.

Findings: Value conflicts regarding information security occur regularly among white-collar workers in the private and public sectors and within different business sectors. Variations in their occurrence can be understood partly as a function of employees' work situations and the sensitivity of the information handled in the organization. Regarding how perceived organizational culture affects the occurrence of value conflicts, multivariate regression analysis reveals that employees who perceive their organizations as having externally oriented, flexible cultures experience value conflicts more often.

Research limitations/implications: The relatively low share of explained variance in the explanatory models indicates the need to identify alternative explanations of the occurrence of value conflicts regarding information security.

Practical implications: Information security managers need to recognize that value conflicts occur regularly among white-collar workers in different business sectors, more often among workers in organizations that handle sensitive information, and most often among white-collar workers who perceive the cultures of their organizations as being externally oriented and flexible.

Originality/value: The study addresses a gap in the information security literature by contributing to the understanding of value conflicts between information security and other organizational values. This study has mapped the occurrence of value conflicts regarding information security among white-collar professionals and shows that the occurrence of value conflicts is associated with work situation, information sensitivity and perceived organizational culture.

The Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process (ECA) was initiated in 2013 as a direct consequence of a legitimacy crisis of Estonian political parties and representative institutions. The spark igniting this crisis was the unravelling of a scheme of illegal party financing. The response from the governmental institutions took the form of a democratic innovation drawing on public crowdsourcing and deliberative mini-publics. This study is conducted on the basis of a broad survey among the participants in the initial crowdsourcing for proposals of the ECA (n=847). The focus of this paper is on the relationship between citizen participation and political trust. Two main research questions guides this paper: (1) How has participants vertical and horizontal trust developed in relation to their participation in the ECA?, and (2) What factors explain variations of change in trust among participants? While existing research questions whether citizens engagement in political participation functions as a source of trust, participatory processes alike the ECA are continually being initiated with the explicit aim of impeding developments of growing public distrust and fostering a greater trust in governmental institutions.

Organisationskulturen sägs ofta vara en central del i att styra en modern organisation. I detta kapitel resonerar vi kring sambandet mellan den kultur som enligt svenska tjänstemän finns i deras organisationer och informationssäkerheten i dessa organisationer. Denna kunskap är viktig dels för att kunna använda förändring av organisationskulturen som ett sätt att åstadkomma ökad informationssäkerhet, dels för att kunna förutse konsekvenserna av att allt fler organisationer idag förändras i riktning mot vad som enligt vår studie skapar sämre förutsättningar för informationssäkerhet. 

Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the connection between different perceived organizational cultures and information security policy compliance among white-collar workers.

Design/methodology/approach: The survey using the Organizational Culture Assessment Instrument was sent to white-collar workers in Sweden (n = 674), asking about compliance with information security policies. The survey instrument is an operationalization of the Competing Values Framework that distinguishes between four different types of organizational culture: clan, adhocracy,market and bureaucracy.

Findings: The results indicate that organizational cultures with an internal focus are positively related to employees’ information security policy compliance. Differences in organizational culture with regards to control and flexibility seem to have less effect. The analysis shows that a bureaucratic form of organizational culture is most fruitful for fostering employees’ information security policy compliance.

Research limitations/implications: The results suggest that differences in organizational culture are important for employees’ information security policy compliance. This justifies further investigating the mechanisms linking organizational culture to information security compliance.

Practical implications: Practitioners should be aware that the different organizational cultures do matter for employees’ information security compliance. In businesses and the public sector, the authors see a development toward customer orientation and marketization, i.e. the opposite an internal focus, that may have negative ramifications for the information security of organizations.

Originality/value: Few information security policy compliance studies exist on the consequences of different organizational/information cultures.

Trots positiva tendenser i medlemsutvecklingen inomvissa partier finns det knappast något hopp för att depolitiska partierna återigen skall bli de stora folkrörelsersom de var fram till 1980-talet, skriver Martin Karlssonoch Erik Lundberg som är doktorander i statskunskap.

Trots positiva tendenser i medlemsutvecklingen inomvissa partier finns det knappast något hopp för att depolitiska partierna återigen skall bli de stora folkrörelsersom de var fram till 1980-talet, skriver Martin Karlssonoch Erik Lundberg som är doktorander i statskunskap.

Trots positiva tendenser i medlemsutvecklingen inom vissa partier finns det knappast något hopp för att de politiska partierna återigen skall bli de stora folkrörelser som de var fram till 1980-talet, skriver Martin Karlsson och Erik Lundberg som är doktorander i statskunskap.

Under senare år har studenters läraromdömen allt mer hamnat i fokus inom skola såväl som högre utbildning. Parallellt med dessa utvecklingar har olika typer av internettjänster genom vilka studenter kan betygsätta sina lärare dykt upp i flera länder. I Sverige lanserades 2008 tjänsten ”Studenter tycker till” (STT) där studenter kan registrera sig och fylla i bedömningar av lärare enligt kriterierna utlärningsförmåga, kunskap, engagemang och lärandestöd. I denna studie undersöks betydelsen av lärarens kön och ålder för studenters läraromdömen genom en kvantitativ analys av omdömen av 98 högskole- och universitetslärare som givits på hemsidan STT. Syftet är att synliggöra hur sociala markörer, i detta fall om läraren är man eller kvinna, ung eller gammal, spelar en stor roll för hur en lärare utvärderas. Resultaten visar att kvinnor och unga lärare systematiskt ges lägre betyg av studenter, än män och äldre lärare. Studenter är således inte könsblinda eller oberoende av föreställningar om förhållandet mellan ålder och kompetens i sina bedömningar. Studien aktualiserar betydelsen av sociala markörer så som kön och ålder måste synliggöras och tas i beaktning när studenters utvärderingar av lärare och kurser behandlas inom högre utbildning.

Under senare år har studenters läraromdömen allt mer hamnat i fokus inom skola såväl som högre utbildning. Parallellt med dessa utvecklingar har olika typer av internettjänster genom vilka studenter kan betygsätta sina lärare dykt upp i flera länder. I Sverige lanserades 2008 tjänsten ”Studenter tycker till” (STT) där studenter kan registrera sig och fylla i bedömningar av lärare enligt kriterierna utlärningsförmåga, kunskap, engagemang och lärandestöd. I denna studie undersöks betydelsen av lärarens kön och ålder för studenters läraromdömen genom en kvantitativ analys av omdömen av 98 högskole- och universitetslärare som givits på hemsidan STT. Syftet är att synliggöra hur sociala markörer, i detta fall om läraren är man eller kvinna, ung eller gammal, spelar en stor roll för hur en lärare utvärderas. Resultaten visar att kvinnor och unga lärare systematiskt ges lägre betyg av studenter, än män och äldre lärare. Studenter är således inte könsblinda eller oberoende av föreställningar om förhållandet mellan ålder och kompetens i sina bedömningar. Studien aktualiserar betydelsen av sociala markörer så som kön och ålder måste synliggöras och tas i beaktning när studenters utvärderingar av lärare och kurser behandlas inom högre utbildning.

Under senare år har studenters läraromdömen allt mer hamnat i fokus inom skola såväl som högre utbildning. Parallellt med dessa utvecklingar har olika typer av internettjänster genom vilka studenter kan betygsätta sina lärare dykt upp i flera länder. I Sverige lanserades 2008 tjänsten ”Studenter tycker till” (STT) där studenter kan registrera sig och fylla i bedömningar av lärare enligt kriterierna utlärningsförmåga, kunskap, engagemang och lärandestöd. I denna studie undersöks betydelsen av lärarens kön och ålder för studenters läraromdömen genom en kvantitativ analys av omdömen av 98 högskole- och universitetslärare som givits på hemsidan STT. Syftet är att synliggöra hur sociala markörer, i detta fall om läraren är man eller kvinna, ung eller gammal, spelar en stor roll för hur en lärare utvärderas. Resultaten visar att kvinnor och unga lärare systematiskt ges lägre betyg av studenter, än män och äldre lärare. Studenter är således inte könsblinda eller oberoende av föreställningar om förhållandet mellan ålder och kompetens i sina bedömningar. Studien aktualiserar betydelsen av sociala markörer så som kön och ålder måste synliggöras och tas i beaktning när studenters utvärderingar av lärare och kurser behandlas inom högre utbildning.

Från år 1979 fram till idag har de politiska partierna sammanlagt förlorat mer än 80 procent av sina medlemmar. Den här uppsatsen undersöker de svenska partiorganisationernas strategier och agerande i skuggan av de senaste decenniernas sjunkande medlemstal. Detta görs genom att undersöka: 1) Hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till partiernas medlemsutveckling; 2) På vilket sätt och i vilken utsträckning ledande partiföreträdare anser att partierna har anpassats för att hantera rekryteringsfunktionen respektive aggregeringsfunktionen i en situation med minskande medlemsorganisationer samt 3) Om det finns det några skillnader när det gäller hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till medlemsminskningen och hur dessa i sådana fall kan förstås. Uppsatsen visar att medlemsrekrytering inte tycks vara någon särskilt prioriterad fråga för något av partierna. Partiföreträdarena menar att medlemsutvecklingen inte har föranlett några stora och mer genomgripande förändringar av partiernas organisation i syfte att stärka eller utveckla partiernas aggregeringskanaler. Analysen visar vidare att det finns en insikt bland alla partiföreträdare om svårigheten när det gäller hur partierna ska klara försörjningen av framtidens förtroendevalda men att några mer genomgripande förändringar i partiorganisationerna inte går att se. Slutligen påvisar uppsatsen också att partiföreträdare från de folkrörelsebaserade partierna är mer medlemsorienterade och ger uttryck för att partierna i första hand söker lösningar som finns inbyggt i dess struktur, tradition och identitet som folkrörelse. Partiföreträdare från de icke-folkrörelsebaserade partierna ger uttryck för att dessa partier är mindre bundna till idealet om många medlemmar och också mer benägen att utveckla fler och alternativa aggregeringskanaler och rekryteringskanaler än de folkrörelsebaserade partierna.

Från år 1979 fram till idag har de politiska partierna sammanlagt förlorat mer än 80 procent av sina medlemmar. Den här uppsatsen undersöker de svenska partiorganisationernas strategier och agerande i skuggan av de senaste decenniernas sjunkande medlemstal. Detta görs genom att undersöka: 1) Hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till partiernas medlemsutveckling; 2) På vilket sätt och i vilken utsträckning ledande partiföreträdare anser att partierna har anpassats för att hantera rekryteringsfunktionen respektive aggregeringsfunktionen i en situation med minskande medlemsorganisationer samt 3) Om det finns det några skillnader när det gäller hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till medlemsminskningen och hur dessa i sådana fall kan förstås. Uppsatsen visar att medlemsrekrytering inte tycks vara någon särskilt prioriterad fråga för något av partierna. Partiföreträdarena menar att medlemsutvecklingen inte har föranlett några stora och mer genomgripande förändringar av partiernas organisation i syfte att stärka eller utveckla partiernas aggregeringskanaler. Analysen visar vidare att det finns en insikt bland alla partiföreträdare om svårigheten när det gäller hur partierna ska klara försörjningen av framtidens förtroendevalda men att några mer genomgripande förändringar i partiorganisationerna inte går att se. Slutligen påvisar uppsatsen också att partiföreträdare från de folkrörelsebaserade partierna är mer medlemsorienterade och ger uttryck för att partierna i första hand söker lösningar som finns inbyggt i dess struktur, tradition och identitet som folkrörelse. Partiföreträdare från de icke-folkrörelsebaserade partierna ger uttryck för att dessa partier är mindre bundna till idealet om många medlemmar och också mer benägen att utveckla fler och alternativa aggregeringskanaler och rekryteringskanaler än de folkrörelsebaserade partierna.

Från år 1979 fram till idag har de politiska partierna sammanlagt förlorat mer än 80 procent av sina medlemmar. Den här uppsatsen undersöker de svenska partiorganisationernas strategier och agerande i skuggan av de senaste decenniernas sjunkande medlemstal. Detta görs genom att undersöka: 1) Hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till partiernas medlemsutveckling; 2) På vilket sätt och i vilken utsträckning ledande partiföreträdare anser att partierna har anpassats för att hantera rekryteringsfunktionen respektive aggregeringsfunktionen i en situation med minskande medlemsorganisationer samt 3) Om det finns det några skillnader när det gäller hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till medlemsminskningen och hur dessa i sådana fall kan förstås. Uppsatsen visar att medlemsrekrytering inte tycks vara någon särskilt prioriterad fråga för något av partierna. Partiföreträdarena menar att medlemsutvecklingen inte har föranlett några stora och mer genomgripande förändringar av partiernas organisation i syfte att stärka eller utveckla partiernas aggregeringskanaler. Analysen visar vidare att det finns en insikt bland alla partiföreträdare om svårigheten när det gäller hur partierna ska klara försörjningen av framtidens förtroendevalda men att några mer genomgripande förändringar i partiorganisationerna inte går att se. Slutligen påvisar uppsatsen också att partiföreträdare från de folkrörelsebaserade partierna är mer medlemsorienterade och ger uttryck för att partierna i första hand söker lösningar som finns inbyggt i dess struktur, tradition och identitet som folkrörelse. Partiföreträdare från de icke-folkrörelsebaserade partierna ger uttryck för att dessa partier är mindre bundna till idealet om många medlemmar och också mer benägen att utveckla fler och alternativa aggregeringskanaler och rekryteringskanaler än de folkrörelsebaserade partierna.

This study reinvestigates the argument that public deliberation promotes political efficacy. We analyse the distribution of changes in level of political efficacy, among participants in a public deliberation project on the issue of European social and economic policy, The European Citizens Consultations (ECC). ECC was a pan-European project involving over 1600 citizens from all EU-member states that participated in 28 deliberative conferences. The analysis shows that while most participants remain more or less unaffected by participating in public deliberation, these processes have both winners and losers. Some participants come strengthened out of participating while others lessen their beliefs in their capacity for political engagement. Our explanatory analysis indicates that prior political efficacy is the strongest determinant of strengthening one’s level of political efficacy in relation to deliberation. Public deliberation does seem to equalize political efficacy among participants, as those participants who had low levels of political efficacy were uninterested and not knowledgeable about politics at the outset, were strengthened by the process to a greater degree. Within this broader pattern we also find that a positive perception of one’s own performance in the deliberation is increasing the positive changes