Election outcomes, or more specifically belonging to a political minority or majority, have a significant impact on citizens’ attitudes toward the political system and political involvement. This study aims to broaden our understanding in these regards by taking into account the effects of people’s political convictions on the relation between belonging to a political minority or majority and their dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system. Using a person-oriented approach, four groups of citizens were identified on the basis of their attachment to political parties. The group of people who were not politically attached to any of the political parties were the most dissatisfied, whereas supporters of parties in government were the least dissatisfied. Moreover, supporters of opposition parties who had high levels of political conviction were more dissatisfied than supporters of opposition parties who had lower levels of political conviction. Overall, the findings of this study show that it is crucial to take into account the individual characteristics of citizens when studying the relations between election outcomes and political attitudes.

Election outcomes, or more specifically belonging to a political minority or majority, have a significant impact on citizens’ attitudes toward the political system and political involvement. This study aims to broaden our understanding in these regards by taking into account the effects of people’s political convictions on the relation between belonging to a political minority or majority and their dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system. Using a person-oriented approach, four groups of citizens were identified on the basis of their attachment to political parties. The group of people who were not politically attached to any of the political parties were the most dissatisfied, whereas supporters of parties in government were the least dissatisfied. Moreover, supporters of opposition parties who had high levels of political conviction were more dissatisfied than supporters of opposition parties who had lower levels of political conviction. Overall, the findings of this study show that it is crucial to take into account the individual characteristics of citizens when studying the relations between election outcomes and political attitudes.

In the recent scholarly debates over changing citizenship attitudes and norms in advanced democracies, especially when it comes to rising levels of political dissatisfaction, opinion about the political role of young people is divided. For some scholars, they represent a driving force behind the development of new kinds of citizenship values, and constitute an asset to the functioning of political systems. For others, they pose a potential threat to the health of representative democracy, because of their increasing levels of dissatisfaction and civic disengagement. By contrast with these two competing approaches, this dissertation advances the argument that a more balanced view of young people’s political activities is called for. Adopting a quantitative approach, it aims therefore to contribute to better theoretical and empirical understanding of young people’s political dissatisfaction, and to explain their role in a democratic society. Considering different aspects of dissatisfaction, the current dissertation contributes to previous research in significant ways. Among others things, it adds to our knowledge by showing empirically that, in terms of political dissatisfaction, young people constitute a heterogeneous group, with different political roles and profiles, ranging from the healthy to the more threatening. Moreover, it contributes to previous research by highlighting the crucial role played by fair teachers in providing linkages between young citizens and the wider political system. All in all, the findings in the current dissertation have implications for the ongoing debate over the role and significance of young people in the functioning of democratic systems, and also for political socialization research.

In the recent scholarly debates over changing citizenship attitudes and norms in advanced democracies, especially when it comes to rising levels of political dissatisfaction, opinion about the political role of young people is divided. For some scholars, they represent a driving force behind the development of new kinds of citizenship values, and constitute an asset to the functioning of political systems. For others, they pose a potential threat to the health of representative democracy, because of their increasing levels of dissatisfaction and civic disengagement. By contrast with these two competing approaches, this dissertation advances the argument that a more balanced view of young people’s political activities is called for. Adopting a quantitative approach, it aims therefore to contribute to better theoretical and empirical understanding of young people’s political dissatisfaction, and to explain their role in a democratic society. Considering different aspects of dissatisfaction, the current dissertation contributes to previous research in significant ways. Among others things, it adds to our knowledge by showing empirically that, in terms of political dissatisfaction, young people constitute a heterogeneous group, with different political roles and profiles, ranging from the healthy to the more threatening. Moreover, it contributes to previous research by highlighting the crucial role played by fair teachers in providing linkages between young citizens and the wider political system. All in all, the findings in the current dissertation have implications for the ongoing debate over the role and significance of young people in the functioning of democratic systems, and also for political socialization research.

Syftet med denna rapport är att: (a) redogöra för vilka elever som deltog i skolvalet 2010, (b) samt undersöka huruvida deltagandet i skolvalet har någon effekt på ungas intresse för politik/samhällsfrågor, politiska diskussioner med föräldrar och vänner, intention att rösta i framtida val samt politiskt deltagande. För denna undersökning används först och främst enkätdata från Political socialization Project (PSP); en pågående longitudinell studie som undersöker framväxten av unga människors politiska attityder och engagemang (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr & Stattin, 2009). Analyserna i denna rapport omfattar endast elever i PSP-studien vars skola anmält till Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor att de genomfört skolval. Totalt omfattar de analyser som denna rapport baseras på 3 högstadieskolor och 3 gymnasieskolor vilket sammantaget blir 860 elever.

Syftet med denna rapport är att: (a) redogöra för vilka elever som deltog i skolvalet 2010, (b) samt undersöka huruvida deltagandet i skolvalet har någon effekt på ungas intresse för politik/samhällsfrågor, politiska diskussioner med föräldrar och vänner, intention att rösta i framtida val samt politiskt deltagande. För denna undersökning används först och främst enkätdata från Political socialization Project (PSP); en pågående longitudinell studie som undersöker framväxten av unga människors politiska attityder och engagemang (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr & Stattin, 2009). Analyserna i denna rapport omfattar endast elever i PSP-studien vars skola anmält till Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor att de genomfört skolval. Totalt omfattar de analyser som denna rapport baseras på 3 högstadieskolor och 3 gymnasieskolor vilket sammantaget blir 860 elever.

Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.

Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.

This study examines the relationship between citizens' satisfaction with government COVID-19 communication and management (SWCCM) and institutional trust. By employing a longitudinal approach, using three-wave panel data from Sweden from 2020 to 2022, the study addresses the current lack of research on the interplay between SWCCM and institutional trust across different stages of a societal crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. The results show that SWCCM increased slightly over the pandemic period, while trust in institutions slightly decreased. The study also finds that changes in SWCCM predict changes in trust in institutions, suggesting that increased satisfaction with communication and management is associated with increased trust in institutions. Additionally, we find that higher initial levels of SWCCM contribute to a faster decline in trust over time. However, no evidence supports the idea that initial trust in institutions predicts changes in SWCCM. This suggests a unidirectional relationship where SWCCM is a key driver of institutional trust during a crisis. Overall, the study uncovers intriguing dynamics in the relationship between SWCCM and trust over time, and it emphasizes the significance of effective and consistent communication and management in maintaining and boosting public trust during crisis.

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

Past research has shown that, whereas the majority of people in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some citizens are dissatisfied with the democratic institutions and the way democracy performs. In this paper, we examined democratic characteristics of dissatisfied youths to understand the role they play in the democratic functioning of a society. Based on youth’s dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, we identified four groups distinct of citizens. Then, we compared these groups in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and law breaking attitudes. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the laws, even if people got hurt compared to other three groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and have higher humanistic values and tolerance towards immigrants. By examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, the current study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

Past research has shown that, although a majority of citizens in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some tend to be distrustful of democratic institutions and express dissatisfaction with the way democracy works. It is argued in this article that to better understand the role of various groups of dissatisfied citizens in the democratic functioning of a society, one should examine their democratic characteristics. Based on youth's dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, four distinct groups of citizens are identified. These groups are then compared in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and disposition to break the law. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the law, even if people got hurt compared with other groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and had higher tolerance towards immigrants, and political interest and knowledge. They were also more likely, peacefully and without harming other people, to break the law to change society. Overall, by examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, this study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

Past research has shown that, although a majority of citizens in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some tend to be distrustful of democratic institutions and express dissatisfaction with the way democracy works. It is argued in this article that to better understand the role of various groups of dissatisfied citizens in the democratic functioning of a society, one should examine their democratic characteristics. Based on youth's dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, four distinct groups of citizens are identified. These groups are then compared in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and disposition to break the law. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the law, even if people got hurt compared with other groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and had higher tolerance towards immigrants, and political interest and knowledge. They were also more likely, peacefully and without harming other people, to break the law to change society. Overall, by examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, this study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

Social capital theory states that civic engagement generates positive outcomes, such as social trust and political interest. Likewise, studies show that those involved in civic engagement generally report higher levels of social trust and political interest. It is still unclear, however, whether these differences are the result of socialization or selection. We used between-effects and fixed-effects regressions to examine the development of political orientations in a three-wave longitudinal sample of 1,050 adolescents. From our results, volunteering seemed to have no socialization effect whatsoever on political interest and potentially a weak enhancing effect on social trust. Associational membership did not predict social trust over time, but it seemed to socialize members into increased political interest over time. The results are discussed in light of the social capital debate about how civic engagemend in associational life and volunteering do - or do not - function as schools of democracy.

Social capital theory states that civic engagement generates positive outcomes, such as social trust and political interest. Likewise, studies show that those involved in civic engagement generally report higher levels of social trust and political interest. It is still unclear, however, whether these differences are the result of socialization or selection. We used between-effects and fixed-effects regressions to examine the development of political orientations in a three-wave longitudinal sample of 1,050 adolescents. From our results, volunteering seemed to have no socialization effect whatsoever on political interest and potentially a weak enhancing effect on social trust. Associational membership did not predict social trust over time, but it seemed to socialize members into increased political interest over time. The results are discussed in light of the social capital debate about how civic engagemend in associational life and volunteering do - or do not - function as schools of democracy.

Many efforts have been made to explain variations in political participation. One such effort was made by Gamson, who hypothesized that different combinations of political efficacy and trust will generate different kinds and intensity of involvement in political activity. This study tests this hypothesis on a broad variety of political activities, while at the same time including the potentially moderating effect of people’s political interest. Using data from a longitudinal study in Sweden (2009-2015), this study shows that different combinations of efficacy-trust do indeed generate distinct patterns of participation for young adults. By adding political interest to the model, the effect of certain efficacy-trust combinations on political participation is present foremost among politically interested citizens. Hence, the hypothesis requires to be complemented by political interest to more accurately understand under which circumstances people engage in various political activities.

What explains political engagement? What effect might political disagreement among an individual’s friends and family members have on his or her decision to participate in the political arena? These questions are fundamental to understanding how democratic citizenship is practiced among regular people. An ongoing debate over how political discord in one’s interpersonal context relates to political participation motivates our inquiry: some studies show a positive relationship (disagreement is interesting and animates the political arena), others a negative one (disagreement is uncomfortable and causes people to “chicken out” from politics). We leverage a uniquely rich panel survey of over 8,000 young Swedes to offer two novel sets of insights. First, we compare discord among separately interviewed friends (up to eight friends) and separately interviewed parents to establish each network’s influence on political engagement. Second, by looking at young people (teens as well as twenty-somethings) over time (five annual waves) we provide the first dynamic analysis of discord’s influence on the early development of political orientations. And because political participation in youth is a strong predictor of lifelong engagement patterns, this study is especially weighty. Analysis that considers the mediating roles of factors such as personality (Big 5) and media attention enriches our research.

School is often ranked highly among social agents that are central to the development of various citizenship values and norms in younger members of society. In this paper, we examined the impact of two dimensions of school climate on changes in social trust among adolescents over time, namely relationships and safety. Using a series of latent change models on 3-wave panel data concerning roughly 850 Swedish adolescents aged 13 to 28 years, we found that experiences of victimization in school mattered most in predicting changes in social trust across 3 time points, when relevant demographic factors and other aspects of the school climate were controlled. In particular, social trust declined most among adolescents who experienced more victimization at school.

School is often ranked highly among social agents that are central to the development of various citizenship values and norms in younger members of society. In this paper, we examined the impact of two dimensions of school climate on changes in social trust among adolescents over time, namely relationships and safety. Using a series of latent change models on 3-wave panel data concerning roughly 850 Swedish adolescents aged 13 to 28 years, we found that experiences of victimization in school mattered most in predicting changes in social trust across 3 time points, when relevant demographic factors and other aspects of the school climate were controlled. In particular, social trust declined most among adolescents who experienced more victimization at school.

Introduction

Current literature recognizes that various socialization agents often shape political behavior. This study employs frameworks of political socialization and political agency to explore how extracurricular activities and political intentions established at age 16 influence aspects of political participation and civic engagement at age 20.

Methods

A 4-year longitudinal study was conducted using a community-based sample of 933 adolescents from a medium-sized Swedish city with a population of approximately 135,000. Data were collected in 2010 and 2014, allowing for an analysis of the impact of extracurricular activities and political intentions developed during adolescence on later political and civic behaviors. The analytical sample comprised 933 individuals (50.8% females; mean age = 16.62, SD = 0.71).

Results

The analysis revealed that participation in extracurricular activities at age 16 is a significant predictor of offline political participation at age 20. However, no significant associations were found between these activities and other forms of participation, such as illegal behaviors or broader civic engagement. Political intentions at age 16 also significantly predicted offline political participation at age 20.

Conclusions

The findings highlight the pivotal roles of both socialization agents and individual factors related to youth political agency in shaping political trajectories during adolescence. Understanding the effects of extracurricular activities and political intentions on political participation and civic engagement can aid policymakers and educators in developing strategies to foster active citizenship among young people.