Denna uppsats undersöker FN:s roll och antagna resolutioners påverkan på det palestinska folkets rätt till självbestämmande i Gaza och Västbanken efter Oslo-avtalen 1993. Genom att granska FN:s deltagande i fredsprocessen och dess politiska ställningstaganden i regionen, syftar studien till att ge insikter om FN:s förmåga att påverka självbestämmandet för det palestinska folket. Studien använde kvalitativ textanalys och realistisk teori för att utvärdera FN:s agerande och resolutioners effektivitet. Resultaten visade att trots FN:s resolutioner och engagemang har implementeringen av palestiniernas rätt till självbestämmande varit bristfällig och ineffektiv. Bristen på en effektiv mekanism inom FN för att genomdriva resolutioner och säkerställa efterlevnad av internationell lag har begränsat organisationens förmåga att lösa konflikten och skydda de drabbade. Genom att tillämpa realistisk teori visar studien att stater prioriterar sin överlevnad över moraliska principer och att FN strävar efter fred genom förhandlingar och konfliktlösning för att säkra ordning och säkerhet.

Over fifty ethnic minority groups living in Bangladesh collectively demand recognition of Indigenous identity, but Bangladesh does not constitutionally recognize this identity. Historically, they experienced marginalization, discrimination, and oppression at the hands of the establishment and the political elite, including the majority. They face challenges to maintain their distinct society alongside the majority. Moreover, there is a dilemma between the concept of “indigenous people” and “small ethnic minority groups”. With this context, this dissertation concerns the topics of indigeneity, recognition, and ethnic minority rights in Bangladesh. This thesis aims to investigate the discourse of indigenous identity in Bangladesh, analyze how ethnic minority communities experience social, traditional, cultural, and political life within and outside of their community, and discuss how ethnic minority communities can maintain themselves as distinct societies. This thesis focuses on qualitative research methodology. The primary data was collected through semi-structured individual and group interviews with open-ended descriptive questions. 

            Besides the research problems and aims, the first chapter focuses on the research questions and explains why Bangladesh was selected as a case study for this thesis. The second chapter of this thesis focuses on the literature review. This portion of the essay examines the literature to determine what is already known in the field, identify research methods and techniques, highlight important concepts, conclusions, and theories, and identify any gaps in the articles. This section also investigates whether there is any ambivalence between the terms “indigenous” and “small ethnic groups” in academia. The third Chapter discusses methods and methodology. Then, chapter four presents an overview of the theoretical framework based on Kymlicka's liberal theory of minority rights. The fifth chapter investigates a discourse on indigenous identity in Bangladesh. In the sixth section, based on the theoretical framework, this thesis analyses findings from the data and connects them with essential international instruments and national legal policy and framework. In conclusion, this thesis summarizes the findings. In concluding remarks, it offers insights into what needs to be changed or improved in the legal framework and policies to support the cultural rights of minority ethnic communities to maintain themselves as a distinct society.

The Convention on the Rights of the Child was incorporated into Swedish legislation in 2020 to strengthen the child's best interests and perspective in areas such as asylum law (UNICEFSweden, 2020a). The purpose of this essay is to examine how the individual asylum grounds of unaccompanied children are handled in the asylum process and in what way the child's best interests are actually considered in the asylum process before and after the incorporation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This essay will answer the following question:How has the application of the best interests of the child according to Article 3 in asylum cases for unaccompanied children changed before and after the incorporation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child into Swedish law based on the theory of the best interests of the child as an open concept? Through a qualitative content analysis of judgments, changes and deficiencies in the protection of the rights of unaccompanied children are identified. The study examines how the courts take into account the best interests of the childbased on Schiratzki's (2005) legal theory of the best interests of the child as an open concept.The results of the study have shown that before incorporation, the judgments extensively consider the best interests of the child according to Article 3 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by highlighting potential consequences upon return. However, after incorporation, the migration court fails in considering the best interests of the child. This is because the concept of 'the best interests of the child' is comprehensive, and the court does not assess this from a holistic perspective, which is important for a fair assessment according to Schiratzki (2005).

Ethiopia has experienced a deadly two-year-long civil war, mainly between the government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). During this civil war, in addition to lethal weaponry like drones, jets, missiles, and tanks, the combatant parties and their allies used hate speech as a weapon of war. The aim of this research is to unpack the severity of hate speech disseminated during the civil war and identify its major types that could have contributed to the escalation of the war and the incitement of human rights violations. To achieve this aim, the research used the qualitative content analysis method to analyse data gathered from hate speech broadcasts during the civil war. Furthermore, it applied the propaganda model, framing theory, social identity theory, ARTICLE 19's hate speech pyramid, and the Rabat Plan of Action’s six-part threshold test theoretical and analytical frameworks to analyse the data and discuss its major findings. The research found that the most severe types of hate speech, which aimed to incite genocide, discrimination, hostility, or violence, as well as racial hatred, were disseminated during the civil war. Moreover, it revealed violations of international and Ethiopian laws regulating hate speech. Based on the analysis of empirical data, it is concluded that severe types of hate speech disseminated during the civil war had the potential to escalate the war and incite documented human rights violations.

This paper constitutes an in-depths examinations of the swedish national council for crime prevention's (BRÅ) report titled "children and youth in criminal networks" with a particular focus on two primary aspects. Firstly i delve into the implications of article 6 of the convention on the rights of the child within the context of the report, despite its absence in explicit form. Through a contextual interpretation, I illuminate how the report inderectly considers and reflects upon children's fundemental rights to life. liberty, and development, aligning with the essence of the convention. Subsecuently, I analyze the identified factors in the report that propel young individuals into criminal networks. Grounded in theoretical frameworks and perspectives, my analysis aims to deepen the understanding of the complexety of these factors and their impact. Through this study, I shed light on the depth of the report and pave the way for a more comprehensive discussion on children's rights and the underlying mechanism behind youth involvment in criminal contexts. 

Despite being perceived as one of Europe's most gender-equal countries, Sweden faces significant challenges concerning men's violence against women. Statistics reveal a distressing frequency of violent incidents where a woman is killed by a man every three weeks. This research study examines the collaboration between Swedish municipalities, social services, and women's shelters in efforts to promote safety for women and combat male violence against them. The findings suggest an increase in collaboration and the integration of measures to ensure women's safety within municipal activities. However, while most municipalities offer protected housing, there are shortcomings in the efforts. The study also underscores the importance of continuously evaluating and enhancing ongoing initiatives to effectively support women affected by violence and uphold their human rights.

In September 2022, the state murder of Jîna Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish woman, by the Islamic Republic's morality police in Tehran sparked a nationwide uprising, the largest since the 1979 revolution. With a central point of the movement in Kurdistan, this study aims to determine whether the Islamic Republic of Iran's (IRI) methods constitute a continuation of colonial practice. The study employs case studies and content analysis using the "internal colonialism" paradigm from the limitations of a time frame of 2022 to 2023. Findings highlight a colonial relationship between IRI and Kurdistan, which plays a heavy role in the case of Jîna Amini and the Jîna Uprising. The attempts to subjugate Amini's Kurdishness and Kurdistan discloses the institutionalized racial hierarchy within IRI. The disproportionate use of force, as observed in cases of heavy militarization, securitization, arrests, brutal treatment of protesters and prisoners, sexual violence, and the killing of Kolberis, all point to colonial structures. Essentially, this study provides a critical reassessment of the human rights violations perpetrated by IRI through colonial methods.

This study aims to examine the key aspects of the thesis on corruption and the exploitation of natural resources and their connection to conflicts and the resource curse in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Through a qualitative content analysis, a thematic approach, and with a perspective rooted in the theoretical framework of the resource curse, the study seeks to identify and discuss the complex factors that drive and sustain instability in the country. Utilizing the resource curse theory, it is explained how natural resources not only fail to promote economic development, but also exacerbate conflicts and political instability. Furthermore, it is observed how the exploitation of natural resources, political instability and structural violence contribute to and maintain a cycle of insecurity in the country. With the theoretical application of the resource curse, the study concludes that power structures and hierarchies affect the distribution of assets and opportunities in society. This curse, deeply rooted in historical injustices and discriminatory norms, continues to reproduce itself through institutional and structural mechanisms.

Denna studie ämnar undersöka vilka faktorer som de svenska migrationsmyndigheterna bedömer vara trovärdiga i asylberättelser hos dem som åberopat sexuell läggning som asylskäl. Utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys, ett tematiskt tillvägagångssätt och med ett queerteoretiskt perspektiv ämnar studien även att hitta potentiella underliggande mönster som kan indikera på heteronormativa eller stereotypa föreställningar hos migrationsmyndigheterna. Detta analyseras utifrån sex stycken rättsfall där asylsökande åberopat sexuell läggning som asylskäl. Studiens resultat visar att de svenska migrationsmyndigheterna bedömer trovärdigheten och tillförlitligheten i den asylsökandes berättelse baserat på berättelsens detaljrikedom och personens djupa reflektioner. Vidare konstateras det att migrationsmyndigheterna gärna ser att dessa reflektioner baseras på negativa känslor såsom rädsla, skam och stigma kring sin sexuella läggning. Med en queerteoretisk applicering på resultatet konstaterar studien att det finns tendenser på heteronormativa och stereotypa föreställningar vid migrationsmyndigheternas trovärdighetsbedömningar. 

This thesis interacts with the cultural values and societal expectations behind Japan’s overtime work ethic, and attempts to examine whether a universal human rights perspective can interact with the deeply rooted Japanese cultures and values. This is done with the help of previously conducted research and semi-structured interviews, which then allows for a better understanding of why overtime work is deeply rooted within Japanese culture, and why the application of human rights due diligence at the workplace is difficult to obtain. A qualitative study of semi-structured interviews has been conducted with 12 ethnic Japanese participants. The findings showed several connections between the participant’s answers, such as overtime work being an unwritten rule, and an expectation as a service to the society, to the previously conducted research. Although overtime work may change and differ in ratio depending on which company you are working for, it still is prevalent within Japanese society as a norm.Whether this is a human rights concern was debatable, since some participants argued it to be a vital part of the Japanese commitment to society, while other participants believed that it becomes problematic when personal choice and opinions are shunned or overlooked. These in turn result in other consequences such as depression, isolation, and even death. The thesis concludes that universal human rights values may not always go hand in hand with cultural values, but may allow new light to be shed on a contested phenomenon.

The TPNW came into force in January 2021, marking a significant departure within the global disarmament regime by advocating for the complete abolition of nuclear weapons. Despite its ambitious goals, the treaty has faced criticism from nuclear weapons states, particularly regarding its suggested lack of international security dimensions. This thesis aims to examine the dual aspects of security and humanitarian concerns within the framework of the TPNW. Using a thematic analysis of documents from the TPNW framework, the research investigates how the treaty’s humanitarian and security-driven sides could contribute to fostering a security culture centered around human security. Drawing upon Mary Kaldor’s definition of the two security cultures liberal peace and geo-politics, the thesis explores how the TPNW could be part of shaping a security culture centered around human security and concludes that the Treaty has the potential to foster such international security culture.

  Sierra Leone is a low-income country where 7.3% of its expenditure comes from the state and the rest is from charity and private expenditure, and therefore there is no official budget for mental health. Although many postcolonial countries have ratified international laws, many still have colonial discriminatory laws like ‘Lunacy Acts’ as national law, one of these countries are Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone has ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights but hasn’t abolished ‘The Lunacy Act’ from 1902. ‘The Lunacy Act’ is a law against individuals with suspected mental health illnesses, therefore the focus of this thesis is mental health in Sierra Leone.

 Scholars believe that part of Sierra Leone's issues are due to Sierra Leone's colonial history. For that reason, this thesis has a postcolonial outlook for a deeper understanding of why 'The Lunacy Act' remains in a postcolonial Sierra Leone. To achieve that goal, a meticulous qualitative text analysis is needed. A comparison with ‘A postcolonial critique of Mental health’ will be made to help dissect the true postcolonial meaning of ‘The Lunacy Act’. Although the formal colonization is over, the ideological ones remain. This is noticeable through, for example, science. Western imperialism is not felt through physical colonialism such as borders and people, but also within cultural and political hegemony. An example of this is 'The Lunacy Act'. 

 The negative view of mental illness in postcolonial Sierra Leone persists due to the cultural hegemony. It is stronger than the political hegemony partly because the Sierra Leonean cultural hegemony cooperates with the thought system of Western psychiatry, meaning that the global south is more prone to mental illness, according to the colonial racialized system. In other words, "The Lunacy Act" is partly a tool of Western psychiatry and capitalism and that is why it has not been abolished in postcolonial Sierra Leone.          

In India, the law does not consider marital rape as a criminal offence. This means that the legal provisions do not acknowledge that a husband can be held accountable for raping his wife. The reasons for this are numerous and can be found in a range of reports from the Law Commission, Parliamentary debates, and judicial decisions. There are various reasons for this, including the desire to uphold the importance of marriage as an institution and the availability of other legal solutions. Given the ongoing debate surrounding the criminalization of marital rape in India, it is important to thoroughly examine the potential consequences of such a move. In order to achieve this goal, the current research will gather information from a diverse range of secondary sources, such as books, journals, articles, and reports that are relevant to the topic being investigated. The research will also gather primary data from respondents to obtain firsthand perspectives on this matter. This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the perspectives presented by different scholars regarding the criminalization of marital rape in India. In contrast to the responses obtained from the respondents for this study, the majority of them suggest that marital rape should not be criminalized. In addition, the paper delves into the approach taken by the Indian judiciary regarding the criminalization of marital rape. This study aims to provide valuable insights for leaders, scholars, and academics to better understand the advantages and disadvantages of criminalizing marital rape in India.

Denna studies syfte var att identifiera vilka diskurser som blev synliga samt hur och om dessa diskurser bidrog till en process av andrefiering i Ulf Kristerssons nationaldagstal från år 2023. För att utföra studien användes två frågeställningar vars syfte var att identifiera diskurser som kan kopplas till andrefiering, samt hur dessa kan förstås utifrån en process av andrefiering. I mitt resultat och analys användes van Dijks kritiska diskursanalys och diskursstrukturer samt teorier om andrefiering och van Dijks “ingroup-outgroup-polarization”. I resultatet identifierades tre diskurser: diskurs om medborgarskap, diskurs om det svenska språket och diskurs om svenska värderingar, som kunde kopplas till en andrefiering. Ett “vi” och “dem” identifierades genom diskursstrukturer. “Viet” symboliserades med svenska värderingar, tolerans, normer och medborgarskap, till skillnad från “dem” som symboliserades som kriminella, lögnare och med avvikande värderingar. “De andra” målades upp som annorlunda “oss”. Slutsatsen i min studie är att det kunde identifieras en direkt men oftast indirekt andrefieringsprocess i Ulf Kristerssons nationaldagstal.  

This research investigated the low female political participation in Nigeria, focusing on the political institutions in the country and how they contribute to this persistent low female political participation. To achieve this, this study was executed using the frameworks of democracy, gender, feminist and citizenship theories. Similarly, it used qualitative case study as its approach, employing purposive sampling to select participants for its research purpose, while using structured interview to collect data from the available 6 female politicians willing to participate in the research. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the collated primary and secondary data. The results generated indicate that the political institutions in the country contributed to the persistent low female political participation in Nigeria. It equally found that low female political participation negatively affected the nation's democracy in several ways and offered practical solutions through which this reoccurring genderized situation can be improved. This research adds to the existing knowledge aimed at understanding the low female political participation in Nigeria. It also demonstrates that the country's heavily genderized politics correlates with the negative perception of the country's democratic system, and that the genderized politics is as a result of several systemic and institutional issues. Findings suggest that the country should eschew lip service and engage in genuine, practical, sustainable measures to gradually stamp out inequality from the grassroots.

A thorough analysis of Facial Recognition Technology (FRT) with attention to potential implications for human rights violations. Focusing on the extensive debates in the European Parliament, evaluating FRT's pro et contra in the context of current legal European Union (EU) framework. The effect of FRT on the right to privacy is investigated, as well as its wider ramifications for other human rights that EU citizens are legally entitled to. Utilizing the approach of the Swedish argumentationsanalys (argumentative analysis) as the means to highlight the pro et contra of FRT, the method allows an organized evaluation of the technology’s overall consequences on the citizens of the EU.

The paper highlights the need of taking contextual norms into account as well as the necessity of consent and transparency in data collection, particularly in regard to the processing of biometric data. Even with FRT's potential to improve security and law enforcement, there are still a lot of ethical questions about its effectiveness, privacy invasion, algorithmic prejudice, and possible data exploitation.

Effort is made to address the need for strict controls and regulations to guarantee the moral and legal use of FRT. This is reflected in the primary materials coverage of European parliamentary members during the recent debates. It emphasizes the necessity of striking a balance between innovation and the upholding of fundamental rights, arguing in favour of steps to preserve individuals privacy, freedom, and democratic principles. The need of fostering legal clarity, trust with citizens, and accountability in the creation and use of FRT is underscored in the paper's conclusion in order to reduce possible hazards and preserve human rights standards in the digital era going forward.

I denna uppsats görs en undersökning av Tidöavtalet kring det nya lagförslaget om anmälningsplikt av personer som vistas illegalt i landet. Bakgrunden till uppsatsen baseras på kritik från olika yrkesgrupper som hävdar att lagförslaget strider mot olika regelverk samt yrkesetik. Syftet med uppsatsen har därmed varit att belysa de skillnader som finns mellan olika konventioner och lagar genom att analysera Tidöavtalet och specifikt den del som berör anmälningsplikten. Frågeställningen i uppsatsen har därför lytt enligt följande: på vilket sätt skiljer sig den nuvarande anmälningsplikten från lagförslaget, samt hur förhåller sig svensk lagstiftning och Sveriges internationella förpliktelser till den eventuellt nya anmälningsplikten av papperslösa?

Då Tidöavtalet är mycket omfattande, men även konventionerna och lagarna, har fokus därmed legat på de delar som berör anmälningsplikten samt papperslösas rättigheter. Uppsatsen har även utgått från en rättsdogmatisk metod som i korthet handlar om att problematisera gällande rätt. Vad som framgick i resultatet var att lagförslaget som syftar till att ta itu med skuggsamhället skulle kunna tänkas stå i strid med befintlig svensk lagstiftning samt Sveriges internationella åtaganden, särskilt när det gäller integritetsskydd och sekretess inom skolan och hälso-och sjukvården men även enligt FN:s barnkonvention samt ICESCR. Lagförslaget visade sig även skilja sig avsevärt från den nuvarande lagen om anmälningsplikt och markerar således en förändring i inriktningen av anmälningsplikten. 

This research aim was to investigate any gap in the international and national legal framework regarding sex trafficking and prostitution, as well as to identify areas for improvement to better protect victims. The research took on a feminist perspective to critique these laws and used Thailand's national framework for further research on how anti-trafficking and prostitution work on a national level. The feminist views come from feminist legal theory as well as radical feminism. Feminist theories are combined with existing literature, along with a qualitative method, legal analysis, and feminist legal method for examining legal frameworks addressing sex trafficking to find gaps in the field. Thailand was chosen due to it being a country with high problems with sex trafficking and prostitution. Thailand has also tried to combat these problems by implementing laws such as the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act 2008 as well as The Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act 1996. Thailand has also signed The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children which was relevant to this thesis. 

In summary, legal feminists and radical feminists share many important perspectives about the gaps and improvements that need to be made in the international and legal framework concerning prostitution and sex trafficking. Some of the gaps are that laws fail to address the root causes of prostitution and sex trafficking, struggles with interpretation, and criticism like MacKinnon's claim that laws are fundamentally gendered and cannot be neutralized. furthermore, Thailand's anti-trafficking laws fail to recognize prostitution as trafficking, which criminalizes women in the industry. Rather than handling the demand side (those who pay for sex) the emphasis frequently tends toward prosecuting traffickers, while failing to address enough protection for victims. solutions for the gaps partly involve guidelines for Thailand's officers to easily identify victims. 

Denna uppsats skildrar synen på våld och kön och dess samband utifrån Europarådets konvention om avskaffande av våld mot kvinnor och våld i hemmet och Sveriges nationella strategi mot mäns våld mot kvinnor och hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck. Genom att granska dessa teman i texterna ges en aning kring vilka perspektiv som texterna utgår ifrån. Valet av perspektiv och utgånspunkt när det kommer till att jobba med att bekämpa våld i nära relation är av stor vikt och kan vara avgörande i åtgärdernas effektivitet och träffsäkerhet. Våld i nära relation är ett väldigt komplext ämne som innehåller flera olika parametrar att ta hänsyn till och debatten om ur vilket perspektiv man bör se frågan ur har pågått under lång tid. För att kunna tillgodose de åtaganden som en ratificering av konventionen innebär bör det innebära att det krävs att anta ett samstämmigt eller i alla fall liknande förhållningsätt i frågan som det som framkommer i självaste konventionen. Uppsatsen har för avsikt att göra en bedömning om så är fallet med upprättandet av den nationella strategin. 

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur två av barnkonventionens fyra grundläggande principer, nämligen barnets bästa och barnets rätt till delaktighet, tillämpas i asylärenden. Det ingår även i syftet att undersöka ifall det går att urskilja några mönster i bedömningen från före och efter barnkonventionens inkorporering i svensk nationell lagstiftning sedan år 2020. Materialet har omfattats av fem domstolsbeslut, relevanta delar från barnkonventionen och utlänningslagen, samt relevant tidigare forskning som kopplar an väl till uppsatsens syfte och frågeställningar. För att besvara syfte och frågeställningar har en rättsdogmatisk metod valts för att granska de fem domstolsbesluten från Migrationsöverdomstolen och Migrationsdomstolen utifrån gällande rätt. Studiens huvudsakliga resultat har visat på en diskrepans mellan lagstiftning och policydokument med avseende hur barnets bästa och barnets rätt att komma till tals tillämpas i praktiska sammanhang. En slutsats som dras är att genom att belysa frågan från ett MR-perspektiv med en rättsdogmatisk ansats, har detta bidragit till att belysa diskrepansen mellan mer abstrakta lagar och dess tillämpning inom asylärenden. 

The 2022 FIFA World Cup for men's football has received massive criticism since it was announced in December 2010 that Qatar would host it. With a significant history of human rights violations, many were shocked that Qatar was elected. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and media reported on the ongoing abuses in the country and warned about the consequences of Qatar hosting the World Cup. Therefore, this thesis will examine these consequences and how preparations for the World Cup affect human rights in Qatar – specifically migrant workers' rights. The focus will be on Qatar, companies working with the World Cup, and Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), addressing and analyzing their responsibilities and obligations. The thesis is a descriptive analysis discussing how migrant workers' rights were violated and neglected. It is also a normative analysis that will analyze what should and could have been done to prevent it. Both Qatar's legal system and the regulation of international standards for human rights and business will be analyzed in the text. This thesis will shed light on the football world and its relation to human rights, as well as who bears the primary responsibility to ensure human rights in the preparation and execution of the World Cup. It will discuss how football and human rights affect each other, aiming to show that football organizations influence societies and social structures. Football is not only a sport but a tool that can either improve or worsen people's availability to human rights. This thesis is based on two different theories: A Marxist perspective on conflict theory and Corporate Social responsibility theory. To answer the research questions through these theories, this thesis has used a qualitative data analysis method to analyze different reports and documents from NGOs, Qatar, FIFA, and the United Nations. The thesis concludes with a summary highlighting FIFA as the prime duty bearer during the preparation and delivery of the World Cup, as well as acknowledging that Qatar, FIFA, and companies' lack of improvement and monitoring contributes to the enforcement of modern slavery/forced labor.

In Sweden, the web-TV channel Riks which is a media initiative on YouTube by nationalist political party Sweden Democrats, has gained popularity contributing to the normalization of nationalist discourses. The aim of this study is to analyze how the discursive and visual construction and representation of women on Riks are created in nationalist discourse. Investigating this issue provides insight into the values that are being promoted and their potential consequences. The study was conducted through an intersectional theory and Stuart Hall’s representation theory with a multimodal critical discourse analysis methodology. The study found that women who are assigned the category as ’immigrants’ and ’Muslim’ were portrayed as deviant, having their voices erased and overlooked while simultaneously being portrayed as victims. ’White’ women were also portrayed as victims of the ’mass immigration’, but they were distinctively assigned agency, with the role of doing something about the situation, while ’immigrant women’ were told to ’repatriate’, reflecting their role as not acceptable within the nation.

I en värld där arbetskraftsmigration är ett välbekant fenomen sker det många saker omedvetet. Att forska om arbetskraftsmigranters arbetsupplevelser genom kvalitativa intervjustudier ger en tydlig bild av deras erfarenheter och de faktorer som påverkar dem. Individer med direkta kopplingar till ämnet inom ett tidsintervall på minst 2 och högst 20 år kommer att bidra med data för analys, vilken sedan kommer att studeras med hjälp av fyra teorier. Data som samlats in från intervjuerna argumenterar för olika rättighetskränkningar, såsom diskriminering och ett slags "urval" baserat på etnisk bakgrund, vilket påverkar arbetsmöjligheterna. Diskriminering som kan förekomma på olika sätt inom arbetslivet lyfts också fram. Resultaten bevisar att migrantarbetare utsätts för kränkningar när det gäller arbetsvillkor. Materialet ger även insikt i på vilket sätt deras rätt till hälsa hotas. Forskningsanalysen beskriver också andra faktorer, såsom integration, som viktiga för att säkerställa och skydda migranters rättigheter.

This field study is a thematic and feminist institutionalist analysis on how the civil society and grassroot activists in Gauteng province, South Africa, has been affected and mitigated during and after the COVID -19 pandemic in their work against gender-based violence. The data consist of five semi structured interviews with primary sources, divided in the two sub-groups of activists and formal NGO representatives. 

The study presents civil society and activist viewpoints on adaptation, feminist movement building as well as shrinking space and crisis within crisis. This qualitative study is a thematic analysis linked to the theoretical framework of feminist institutionalism in the context of South Africa. The results reflect issues of representation, power balances linked to organizational status, accountability, transparency, and democracy.

Conclusion of this study is that need for adaptation and to mitigate the crisis within crisis (GBV and COVID -19 pandemic) is predominant for all stakeholders, but the viewpoints on how the pandemic affected the cooperation within the civil society sector varies between the two subgroups. The formal NGO’s viewpoint in this study is that the pandemic strengthened the cooperation within civil society and with institutions. However, the grassroot activist group’s perspective is that the pandemic created a split within the feminist movement. Shrinking democratic space is evidently affecting the grassroot activist group to a larger extent. The formal NGO group articulates an improved dialogue and cooperation with institutions and an enhanced political will to address gender-based violence. 

All stakeholders that were interviewed in this study articulates that the context with new emerging crises, such as power-poverty, inflation and food shortage are challenging the possibilities to address the “shadow pandemic” of gender-based violence which is still a predominant human rights and democratic crisis in South Africa. This study contributes to the context analysis around implementation of the national strategic plan on gender-based violence and femicide and informs on challenges on feminist institutionalism in post-pandemic South Africa.

Through an argumentation analysis and gender jurisprudence theory, this essay examines the complexity of masculinity norms and their connection with the legal system in western cultures. The analysis  investigates how this connection affects equality and justice within the framework of the right to a fair trial. The results show that courts and juries' values regarding "appropriate" masculinity influence decision-making processes. The conclusion of the essay shows that depending on how men, in relation to masculinity norms, are evaluated by the legal system, as well as factors such as class, social position, ethnicity, age, and sexuality, there will be an impact on how men are judged in relation to acts of violence and crime.

This research examines the impacts and implications of the Philippine labor export migration policy on the human rights conditions of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Kuwait, Hungary, and Poland with the specific objectives of determining the adequacy of legal protections provided by the policy. Through the use of a mixed-methods approach, which included qualitative field interviews and quantitative analysis, along with policy examination and an interdisciplinary approach, this research has uncovered alarming patterns of “alienation” and “systematic precarization” of migrant workers. This has resulted in the deterioration of the employment conditions of OFWs. The study, as extensively discussed in Chapters 6 and 7, has shown that the precarization of migrant workers is continuously occurring in Central Europe, specifically in Hungary and Poland. Meanwhile, OFWs in both contexts, Kuwait and Central Europe, have been subjected to highly exploitative and oppressive working conditions comparable to historical servitude and state-induced debt bondage. Notwithstanding the Philippine labor export migration law (RA 10022) designed to protect OFWs, this study has found that it falls short of providing complete protective measures, especially with regard to abusive treatment, systematic alienation, and precarization of migrant workers. The study also shows that OFWs are trapped in a vicious cycle, where the breakdown of employee-employer relationships and enslavement-like treatment result in a violent crackdown on their fundamental rights, leading to their unfortunate fate. Therefore, there is an urgent need for policy reforms to improve the legal dimension of OFWs’ protection abroad. This calls for reconsidering the Philippine labor export migration policy absorbed toward the promotion of just, fair, and inclusive international and national labor migration regulation to meet the challenges posed by neoliberal policies.

Palestinian women detained in Israeli prisons are often subjected to systemic human rights violations. This study examines the treatment of Palestinian women in Israeli prisons, examining the extent to which these experiences align with or diverge from international human rights norms. Through rigorous analysis of existing literature, legal frameworks, and firsthand accounts, this study aims to contribute to the discourse on human rights and justice within the context of Palestinian incarceration. By examining various aspects of their treatment, including but not limited to conditions of detention, interrogation methods, access to legal representation, and healthcare provision, this research seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the challenges faced by women within Israeli prison facilities. The findings from interviews with Palestinian female prisoners provide compelling evidence of the systematic abuses of human rights perpetrated by Israeli authorities within the prison system. In light of these findings, it is imperative to advocate for reforms within the Israeli prison system, with a focus on upholding the rights and dignity of Palestinian female detainees.

This study delves into the complexities surrounding Children in Conflict with the Law (CCL) within India’s juvenile justice system, underscoring barriers to education, mental health challenges, and peer dynamics, among other concerns. While current provisions exist to assist CCLs, there remains significant potential for holistic reform. This paper introduces restorative justice as an innovative solution, emphasizing its focus on repairing harm over punitive measures. The restorative justice model presents opportunities for holistic healing, educational integration, community engagement, non-custodial solutions, and enhanced mental health support for CCLs. The approach aligns with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) principles, advocating for detention as a last resort. Suggestions for future research include assessing the effectiveness of restorative practices, studying long-term outcomes, obtaining diverse stakeholder perspectives, and ensuring cultural sensitivity. Ultimately, integrating restorative justice principles could transform the juvenile justice system in India, promoting a child-centric, compassionate, and effective approach.

This study aimed to examine the implementation of the Human Rights Based Approach (HRBA) in the project “Improved WASH Services in WAU and WAR Districts”, focusing on sustainable water and sanitation in Sierra Leone. Through a content analysis of the project evaluation report, the integration of HRBA principles in planning, implementation and results was examined.

The results showed that HRBA was applied to some extent in the project, in particular by involving local people in decision-making and emphasizing their rights to water and sanitation. This inclusive methodology increased participation and ownership among the communities. However, it also identified challenges, such as a lack of resources and training, which hindered a more complete integration of HRBA. The analysis highlighted the importance of continuing to work on strengthening HRBA in development projects and addressing the challenges that hinder its effective application. Despite progress in promoting human rights through HRBA, there is still a need to overcome obstacles that can undermine its effectiveness.

The conclusion highlighted that HRBA has the potential to be a powerful method for advancing human rights in development, but that its success depends on careful mainstreaming and monitoring. 

This chapter surveys anarchist, utopian socialist and Marxist approaches to social justice from their foundation in the 19th century to their elaboration within two influential centres of western Marxist thinking that have proved to be especially influential in the social sciences: the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory and the spatialisation of Marxist thought in the work of David Harvey (among others). As Mitchell and Ohlsson show, radical approaches to justice have been particularly important in encouraging a strong focus on the conditions of injustice. They note that these approaches cohere around the roots of injustice in the social relations of production rather than procedure or distribution. By moving from injustice, which is what ‘actually-existing’ justice looks like on the ground, to questions of just modes and relations of production, coupled with people’s fundamental right to justification, the authors argue that radical theories of justice have profound implications for the social sciences for how they reorient how we conceive of the project of justice theorising and especially the struggle for justice.

How does a Forstian theory of transnational justice help us understand regional governance structures of the Arctic, such as the Arctic Council, and how could it contribute to implementing procedural aspects of justice? The purpose of this chapter is to discuss transnational justice for the Arctic, taking into account the regional, indigenous and environmental aspects of this specific region. Based on literature reviews on normative traditions of justice, the account suggested here draws on Critical Theory, primarily the work of Rainer Forst (2001, 2014 and 2020). The suggested framework proposes normative criteria required for a comprehensive theory of Arctic justice. In addition, it also recommends an analytical structure for assessing justice in the Arctic. The guiding principles suggested as the backbone for a theory of Arctic justice are reciprocity, generality, transparency and responsibility. Inherently important in the current structure are also the principle of sovereignty and the ‘all affected’ principle, which are discussed and assessed in this chapter.

Postcolonial approaches to justice focus on injustice and on the conditions of possibility for being free from domination. This chapter identifies the contribution of postcolonial theories as being crucially important for theorising justice for the ways in which they seek to create means for peoples previously and currently oppressed to speak for themselves, and to be listened to. As Ohlsson and Mitchell show, by including the voices of women, people of colour, people from the Global South, people from different socioeconomic backgrounds, and so forth, the implicit and sometimes explicit masculinist, White, colonialist and elite foundations of western justice theorising are highlighted, bringing to light the production of past, present and future injustices. Postcolonial theorising, they argue, requires a critical rethinking of our conceptions of justice, their aspects (subject, object, domain, social circumstances, principles) as well as their silences, absences and possible complicity in social structures of domination and oppression.

Theorising Justice surveys philosophical and normative theories of justice and their application within more empirically based social and political science research. Together, the chapters highlight the multi-faceted nature of justice as an analytical and political concept and avoids advocating ‘correct’ approaches to justice theorising. Each chapter provides overviews of the background, main tenets and critiques of dominant justice traditions. Part I examines theories of liberalism, libertarianism, cosmopolitanism, and the Capabilities Approach, in addition to approaches critical of these mainstream justice traditions, such as feminism, Marxism, postcolonialism and Indigenous perspectives of justice. Yet, a principal concern of the book is to promote further engagement with these differing conceptions of justice within social and political science scholarship. As such, chapters in Part II survey scholarship on environmental, climate, energy, spatial and landscape justice along with intergenerational as well as just transitions approaches. In doing so, the volume illustrates multiple methodological and conceptual approaches for analysing justice, illustrating how applied justice theories may usefully analyse problems of inequity, oppression, and domination within more empirically focused research. As justice becomes increasingly important to the discourses within social science and policy scholarship, Theorising Justice will be a valuable reference for students, instructors and practitioners seeking to address the social, political, economic and ecological challenges we face today.

Centring on responsibility in relation to the temporalities of justice, this chapter examines the distinct qualities of an intergenerational justice approach, as well as noting how it overlaps with other positions (such as climate justice and just transitions). It engages with a variety of issues, such responsibility for the compound effects of cumulative acts of pollution, the non-identity of future beings, as well as prospects for greater youth participation in decision-making. Ohlsson and Skillington highlight the implementation challenges and critique that has been brought forward by intergenerational accounts of justice, where emphasis is placed on actualizing the principles of various international treaties and state constitutions affirming the rights of, or duties owed to future generations, as well as new political and legal opportunities. They conclude by highlighting how an intergenerational justice perspective redefines what has traditionally been thought of as imaginable in justice terms, stretching its boundaries to encompass the ‘not yet’ moment of various democratic potentials.

Child labor is a pressing issue in Liberia, as it is in many other developing countries. Poverty is a significant factor that drives child labor in Liberia, as many families rely on the income generated by their children to survive. While the government has developed numerous policy interventions and laws to address the issue, recent reports show that the prevalence of child labor within the ages of 5-17 is still very high This study aims to critically evaluate the effectiveness of governments efforts by critically examining key policies and laws set up by government in relation to established international legal standards to combat the scourge. It relies on Bacchi's "What's the problem represented to be?" (WPR) policy analysis approach.The analysis revealed that there are gaps in policy and law that has stalled government‟s efforts in achieving its resolution to reducing the prevalence of child labor. The minimum age for employment is below international standards, hazardous work is allowed for children aged16 and above, domestic work is not included in the list of hazardous work, light work is not defined or regulated, and penalties for violating child labor laws are weak. In addition, enforcement of child labor laws is weak, particularly in the informal sector, where most child labor takes place.These gaps are incompatible with international standards hindering progress towards eliminating child labor in the country. This study argues that effective policies are crucial to child labor elimination in Liberia, without which children will continue to be engaged in exploitative work which puts them at risk and denies them of their fundamental human rights.

This chapter draws from Indigenous scholars and authors to identify general Indigenous perspectives on justice. The chapter begins by discussing Indigenous ontologies and epistemologies which are concerned with harmonious relations with human and non-human natures. It then examines the function of rights as tools towards realising justice by discussing legal and political literatures regarding the struggle and respect for specifically Indigenous rights to recognition and self-determination. In highlighting a range of perspectives on justice, the chapter suggests that Indigenous approaches to justice critically challenge the western dominance of justice theorising, by expanding alternative ways of understanding what just human/non-human relations can look like.

This thesis refers to several different themes, including democracy, human rights, and the water scarcity that is occurring in Pakistan. While simultaneously protecting democratic values and human rights, the thesis offers an investigation into viable solutions to the pressing water crisis that the country is now experiencing which is further exacerbating with time. This research uses qualitative methodology with a primary focus on policy analysis along with content analysis and document analysis with the application of the Capability Theory to analyze how the lack of water impacts the capacities and well-being of people. In this thesis, the social, economic, and environmental variables that contribute to Pakistan's water scarcity are investigated based on their respective contributions. The study proposes that democratic governance and human rights frameworks can play a viable role in improving water governance, equality, and access to clean water for all communities in Pakistan. Furthermore, it provides avenues for future research to ensure effective water management in Pakistan.

The present study focuses on the issue of unaccompanied minors (UAMs) and trafficking and is a case study about Greece. Its purpose is to comprehend the factors that make UAMs vulnerable to trafficking, highlight gaps in protection measures, and evaluate the effectiveness of the legal and policy framework. It is important to research this subject because of its utmost importance as a critical human rights issue. By delving into it, human rights values are upheld and contribute to the broader goal of safeguarding children and preventing trafficking globally. Vulnerability theory and securitization theory form the basis of this thesis and a qualitative method was used with field research conducted through semi-structured interviews. The results showed that UAMs represent a vulnerable group at risk of trafficking in Greece or possibly be already victims from their country of origin or during the migration journey, attributable to existing gaps in their protection and various contributing factors. The results of this study include the need for establishing a national child protection system, improving protection measures and preventive mechanisms, and fostering collaboration with stakeholders to protect these children.

This study aims to analyze the underlying factors and barriersinfluencing undocumented adults' access to healthcare in Sweden. By focusing on the experiences of five respondents associated with the Swedish Red Cross, the essay seeks to shed light on and enhance the understanding of the limitations faced by undocumented adults, regarding their access to healthcare in Sweden. This study has a qualitative research approach with semi-structured interviews. The studyaddresses three theories for understanding the factors and barriers that affect the access to healthcare by using Goffman (1963) stigma, Young (2011) social justice and Rothstein (2003) trust and social contract theory. The result of the study shows insights information from five respondents of the factors affecting undocumented adults' healthcare access in Sweden. The study ultimately reveals that stigmatization, trust, fear, and social networks are underlying factors that impact the access to healthcare for undocumented adults in Sweden. Additionally,socio-economic barriers are identified as limiting the opportunities for undocumented adults to access healthcare in Sweden. The research highlights that these challenges are not merely individual choices or priorities but rather a result of complex factors and structural impediments. Therefore, addressing the obstacles and underlying factors requires a collective approach to observe and understand the root causes affecting the access to healthcare in Swedenfor undocumented adults.

This study explores the challenges that unaccompanied minors face in accessing healthcare, especially mental health services, in Sweden. It uses a qualitative approach with five partici-pants aged 18–25, who were previously unaccompanied minors. Through interviews, the study identifies themes and patterns related to the theoretical framework, incorporating the KASAM theory and transcultural psychiatry, which emphasize self-reflection and cultural factors. The results reveal difficulties such as fear of impacting the asylum process, language barriers, anda lack of knowledge within the healthcare system. The study aims to contribute to understanding and improvements within the healthcare system. Limitations include a focus on Swedish conditions and the age group of 18–25. Suggestions for future research involve exploring wait times for psychiatric care and effectively communicating knowledge about mental health to these children to identify areas for improvement in healthcare. Overall, the study underscores the need to overcome barriers, customize healthcare to individual needs, and enhance understanding of this vulnerable group.

Sexual violence perpetrated against women during armed conflicts represents a severe violation of their fundamental human rights. This heinous act not only inflicts significant harm on the women themselves but also results in the birth of children conceived due to wartime rape. Previous research has marked that children born of war encounter various forms of discrimination, stigma, neglect, abuse, and sometimes limited access to education and healthcare. As a vulnerable group, children born of war often have single mothers who have experienced sexual violence, resulting in potential lack of support from their family and communities. This paper investigates the circumstances and obstacles faced by children born of war but also what is necessary to properly support these children, according to the five organisations interviewed. It shines light on the need for comprehensive support systems to address their specific needs in the future, such as the urgent need for early interventions and psychological support, along with providing children born of war the opportunity to connect with their biological heritage to foster a sense of identity amongst others.

This thesis explores the challenges faced by individuals with disabilities in accessing education in Nepal. Grounded in a theoretical framework that integrates definitions, concepts, and policies related to disability rights and inclusive education, the study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the barriers to educational inclusion. Drawing on a review of international literature, the research examines global perspectives on disability rights and inclusive education, contextualising them within the Nepalese context. Through qualitative research methods such as interviews, focus groups, and document analysis, the study investigates the lived experiences of individuals with disabilities and identifies systemic issues hindering educational access. The findings reveal significant challenges related to poverty, societal attitudes, infrastructural limitations, and policy implementation. By analysing these findings, the study offers insights into effective strategies for promoting educational inclusion and advancing disability rights in Nepal. The research contributes to the existing body of knowledge on inclusive education and informs policy and practice aimed at improving educational opportunities for individuals with disabilities.

This study examines how “The Other” is portrayed in the Sweden Democrats’ (SD) latest electoral manifesto from 2022. Drawing on Ruth Wodak’s perspective on radical right-wing populist rhetoric, along with qualitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis, the essay explores how various discursive constructions emerge to justify excluding “The Other”. The results indicate that immigrants, especially those of non-European and Muslim background, are consistently depicted as threats, criminals, oppressive towards women and undesirable. These findings align with previous research on the discriminatory language used by radical right-wing populist parties towards “The Other” represented by immigrants and Muslims. Moreover, this discriminatory discourse is legitimized through references to violence and gang crime but also broader societal issues such as unemployment, housing shortage and violence against women. 

Offering a unique introduction to the study of justice in the European, North American and Russian Arctic, this collection considers the responsibilities and failures of justice for environment and society in the region. Inspired by key thinkers in justice, this book highlights the real and practical consequences of postcolonial legacies, climate change and the regions’ incorporation into the international political economy. The chapters feature liberal, cosmopolitan, feminist, as well as critical justice perspectives from experts with decades of research experience in the Arctic. Moving from a critique of current failures, the collection champions a just and sustainable future for Arctic development and governance.

This study aimed to investigate how Barnahus in Eskilstuna has implemented Article 12 on children's right to participate in the Convention on the Rights of the Child in their work with children exposed to violence, as well as the challenges that may arise. In order to investigate the implementation at Barnahus within the municipality, interviews were conducted with representatives of collaborating authorities and Region Sörmland. By analyzing the results based on Harry Shier's participation model, the concepts of child perspective and children's perspective, the study came to the following conclusions. The study shows that children are listened to, but that some children do not get the opportunity to come to Barnahus due to a lack of resources, long waiting periods and that other matters must be prioritized. Children are supported in expressing their opinions, but challenges emerge in the ability to adapt to different cultures and children's disabilities which can affect that children's perspectives does not get recognized. The study also shows a lack of time for the child's representative to prepare for a case, which can affect the ability to adopt a child perspective on the child's best interest. Children's views are taken into account in most parts of the process at Barnahus, but it is primarily the informants' views on the best interest of the child that guides the work. The scope for children's participation depends on their age, maturity and the authority's legal obligations.

The European Commission has put forward a legislative proposal titled Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down rules to prevent and combat child sexual abuse, also known as chat control. The legislative proposal has sparked a polarized debate. By using an argumentation analysis, this study aims to find out which rights are invoked and which arguments for and against the proposal are raised in the discussion on chat control. The study also aims to explore how chat control may impact freedom of expression and deliberative democracy.

Advocates of the proposal argue that chat control will protect children from online sexual abuse and strengthen children's digital rights, while critics warn of privacy intrusions, threats to freedom of expression and digital mass surveillance. 

The essay uses Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann's theory on spiral of silence which explains that people tend to avoid expressing their opinions if their opinions are in the minority due to fear of social isolation. Digital mass surveillance can therefore lead to self-censorship online. The result is that the digital mass surveillance that chat control proposes affects the right to freedom of expression because certain opinions will be silenced. Iris Marion Young's deliberative democracy model explains that in democracies it’s important that everyone affected by arguments must be able to make their voice heard in order for a democratic decision to be considered legitimate. If people refrain from exercising their right to freedom of expression due to digital surveillance, then deliberative democracy is negatively impacted because decisions can no longer be deemed democratically legitimate.