This article introduces a variety of Romani groups living in Soviet Ukraine and their ways of life—sedentary, semi-nomadic and nomadic—highlighting that semi-nomadism is omitted category in scholarship even though most of the Roma in Soviet Ukraine maintained a semi-nomadic way of life. Through the discussion of the notion of nomadism, the research analyses how the Romani ways of life have changed over time from before and after the Second World War. Examining the Soviet policy towards the Roma in Soviet Ukraine (1930s–1950s), particularly, the creation of the kolkhoz system and the issue of the “Khrushchev Decree”, the paper argues that the changes in Romani ways of life occurred due to suppressive policies of the Soviet state directed to the forced sedentarisation of Roma.

This thesis proposes two separate intents lying behind the use of violence: namely, “nationalizing” (Gumz 2001) or utopian ideology, and the strategic desire to control territory. Three hypotheses are formulated on this basis, and applied to the case of Lika in 1941. The first predicts that violence exercised by actors motivated by the first type of intent will become increasingly indiscriminate, and is strongly corroborated in the case of the Ustaše. The second hypothesis, building on Kalyvas’ (2006) model, predicts that the selective or indiscriminate nature of violence executed by actors motivated by the second type of intent will correlate with the actor’s level of control: this is largely corroborated in the case of the Italians, but only partly so in the case of the Partisans. The final hypothesis, combining the arguments of Kalyvas (2006) and Dulić and Hall (2014), predicts a stark contrast in the geographical spread of violence executed by strategic and ideological actors, and is strongly corroborated. The thesis works from a micro-level approach.

The article examines how people within the Church of Sweden's leadership tried to solve 'the problem of vagrancy' in Sweden in the early twentieth century. In focus are the priest John Melander and the deacon Josef Flinth, who advocated and realized various activities for categories of poor and mobile men in the population. These interventions, defined as help-to-self-help, differentiated between the 'worthy' and the 'unworthy' needy. In publications and lectures, Melander and Flinth presented arguments to transfer 'unworthy' categories to the 'worthy', thereby expanding the community of value. This expansion was conditioned, however, by boundaries drawn regarding ideas on belonging and ethnicity. Working in the borderlands of the community as part of a Christian calling, Melander and Flinth contributed to the expansion of social work in the early twentieth century.

Ainu studies still lack an inside perspective from the Ainu themselves though the importance of such perspective has been recognized for a deeper understanding of the Ainu by a few Ainu and Wajin [ethnic Japanese] postmodern scholar. To begin with, Ainu “self telling history” have been considered by researchers of Ainu studies to be “non-existent.” In other words, it can be said that the very act of dealing with modern history in relation to the Ainu by those materials was under a taboo for both the Ainu and the Wajin.

This article demonstrates that a history book of the Nibutani Community entitled “Nibutani” edited by Kaizawa Tadashi in cooperation with local residents is a rare ex- ample of modern Ainu history compiled by the Ainu themselves. The book covers all the details of each family with family trees though the Ainu hardly confessed them- selves as Ainu under severe discrimination at the time. Further most of its lifestories were collected through the interviewing of those families by Kaizawa himself. As far as the contents are concerned, some stories are related to the Ainu, whereas others are seemingly related to their personal life. Thus the book presented a variety of stories that represent the then lives of the local residents in the Nibutani Community.

At the moment when ‘Nibutani’ was published the Ainu did not voluntari- ly talk about their own history, and neither were expected to do so. ‘Nibutani’, which was completed by Kaizawa, connected the individually divided histories to each other, and made clear the relationships between the individuals and the community. As a result, the local residents in the Nibutani Community have ap- preciated this book for highlighting their own perspectives on their local history.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               

This study examines the digital propaganda campaigns carried outby the Chinese Communist Party in Inner Mongolia followingMongols’ protest against the bilingual education reform in 2020.It analyses texts and images posted on WeChat official accountsof the Inner Mongolia Daily and Inner Mongolia EducationDepartment. Through a detailed discourse and semiotic analysesof propaganda texts we reveal that the national unity anddevelopment discourses are replete with Han-centricassimilationist ideology. In our analysis, by drawing on aBakhtinian chronotope, we foreground how the past, present andfuture are turned into a unified folkloric-cum-colonial space–time.This study also elucidates how the drastic policy shift and the rearticulation of national form in China is reflected in publiclycirculated words and images in Inner Mongolia.

This article analyzes the sociolinguistic construction of two gendered figures in multilingual performances, namely a category of young Mongol wives in rural societies who challenge patriarchal social order, and a group of young urban Mongol men whose dream is to be rich and indulge themselves in luxury. By drawing on the analytical framework of stance and stylization, the study analyzes how the performers’ multivalent stance-taking towards constructed personas and specific social-moral orders are communicated through their skillful stylization of multilingual resources in Inner Mongolia. It also points out that language stylization and stance-taking, taking place in reference to local cultural values and linguistic ideologies, are anchored in continually evolving ethnic, gender, and class relationships in a changing, minoritized Mongolian society in the context of Chinese modernization and capitalist marketization. (Stance-taking, language stylization, gendered discourses, Mongols, multilingualism)*

This article explores the shifting connotations of two key terms in propaganda texts on bilingual education policy in Inner Mongolia. The two terms are dumdadu-yin ündüsten (Ch.: Zhonghua minzu, Chinese nation) and ulus-un neidem hereglehü üge hel (Ch.: guojia tongyong yuyan, national common language). I examine how the meanings of these key terms have begun to shift as China strives to shed its multinational character and build a linguistically homogenous Chinese nation-state. The new prominence given to the term dumdadu-yin ündüsten (Chinese nation) and the gradual substitution of the terms neitelig hel (Ch.: putonghua) and khitad hel (Han language) with the term ulus-un neidem hereglehü üge hel (national common language) in propaganda texts in Inner Mongolia reflect and shape China’s changing policies on its borderlands. In this brief exploratory article, I underline how the Mongolian terms referring to the Chinese nation and national common language undergo shifts in their meanings as what sits at the very core of these terms – the Han – irrepressibly exposes itself and subsumes other meaning potentials.

As the Mongolian language is equated with ethnic survival in Inner Mongolia, the metadiscourse of Mongolian linguistic purism has become a vital tactic for enacting Mongolian identity and creating a counterspace against Chinese linguistic and cultural hegemony. This paper analyses: (1) the process of establishing iconized links between language, culture, land and race on the second order of indexicalities; (2) the orthographic representation of mixed Mongolian and “pure” Mongolian in the Mongolian social media space Bainu. The study illuminates the interdiscursive processes of presuming and constructing linguistic, cultural, and ethnic boundaries by subaltern groups in an assimilationist nation state.

This thesis focuses on the discourse of the newspaper Der Zwiespruch from the independent German youth movement between 1928-1933. With the help of cultural code theory and discourse analysis, the terms of antisemitism, racism, Volksgemeinschaft, Reich, Raum, and Führer are analysed in the form of cultural codes in Der Zwiespruch. In this work, these terms are understood to be the fundamental ideas of the radical discourse of the NS-regime. By evaluating these terms in the form of cultural codes, the understanding of the producers and consumers of the newspaper regarding these codes is made visible. With this approach it can be found out whether the discourse of Der Zwiespruch can be understood as similar to the radical discourse of the NS-regime. If this is the case, the Nazis’ rise to power did not implicate a significant change of worldview for the authors and readers of the newspaper. As such, the thesis focuses on one of the central questions and topics within Holocaust studies regarding the social reality of the ordinary Germans of the Weimar Republic that ultimately enabled the Nazi party’s rise to power in 1933 through their vote. Additionally, it provides a form of cultural analysis that has not been done in Holocaust studies nor in the research of the independent German youth movement.

Yizkor books are communal memorial books commemorating Jewish communities destroyed in the Holocaust, produced as a result of communal activity. This study analyses the production and function of Yizkor books. It answers questions regarding who produced them, why, when, where and in which languages and discusses the roles the books played, and the memory they produced in relation to Jewish, Iraeli and American memory culture.

This is the largest survey of Yizkor books to date, using more than 1,500 texts by Yizkor book publishers, editors and other important figures as primary sources, as well as thirty complete books, It provides new historical knowledge on the people who initiated and took part in the publication process, the kind of Holocaust memory produced, and how the composition of the editorial and publishing groups, , the languages of publication and the memory of the Holocaust contained in the books changed over time and place. The results are further developed and contextualized using theories on collective memory.

This research demonstrates that the publishers and editors of Yizkor books were a significantly more heterogeneous group than previously claimed. Four groups of publishers are identified: landsmanschaftn, other organizations, individuals without an organization around them and schoolchildren. A wide variety of editors are distinguished, from professional Yizkor book editors, to professionals in other fields and people with no relevant background in editing, who took it on themselves to complete this difficult task. The reasons for publication vary, but included personal and familial connections, the guilt felt by survivors and the urge to tell the world what had happened.

The study also analyses the intended functions of the books according to their authors. Most notably, the books were used as “places of memory”, as gravestones and memorial candles, and as a place to say the kaddish for the many victims whose time and place of death were unknown. In the context of the collective memory of the Holocaust, three main aspects are discussed: the significant place of the diaspora in the commemoration of the community, the prevalence of Zionism in the communities before the war and the idea of universal martyrdom for all victims of the Holocaust, regardless of the circumstances of their life and death.

Why does mass-violence happen at all? This paper takes the first steps to establish a model to answer this question and explain extreme mass-violence as a phenomenon. This paper seeks to fill a gap in the field of research, in which models exist to explain the phenomenon of violence, with cases of genocide being seen as problems or exceptions, and as such researched as individual cases rather than as part of a wider phenomenon. This paper uses a selected part of the writings of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer to establish the basis for a model to explain extreme-cases of mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model includes 5 social elements - (1) Culture Industry (2) Mass-Media (3) Propaganda (4) Dehumanization (5) Ideological Awareness. When these pillars all reach a high enough level of severity, conditions enable elites to use scapegoating - to divert revolutionary attention to a specific puppet group, resulting in extreme mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model is then used to analyze an empirical case - Cambodia 1975-1979 and shows how these pillars all existed in an extreme form in that case. This paper presents scapegoating as a possible explanation for the Cambodian case. 

This thesis utilises the context of European Holocaust memory to test differences within the existing literature of the theory of ‘ontological security’. The differences centre on questions of identity preservation in the face of threats to a states ‘sense of self’. The paper builds a connection between theories within the field of collective memory and ontological security (a sub-field known as ‘mnemonic security’) and applies these to two case studies within the European context: the UK and Poland. These cases were chosen based on disparity of experience of the Holocaust within the European context in order to determine if these disparities may explain any potential variation in mnemonic security strategies. This is achieved with use of discourse analysis of state leader and representatives speeches (and other relevant discourse) given at Holocaust remembrance events in order to classify strategies in reference to the theoretical differences within the ontological security framework. It finds that differences in forms of memory exist, but their theoretical explanations within the framework are similar despite their disparities of experience. The thesis attempts to fill a gap of empirical evidence in regards to these arguments and in regards to discourse analysis of leader’s speeches and statements at said Holocaust remembrance events.

This thesis presents the way the OUN-M’s newspaper Ukraïns’ke slovo framed the German occupation of Soviet Ukraine. Using a qualitative text analysis, this paper investigates sixty-six issues of the periodical, published in September-December 1941, in order to identify collective action framing that the OUN-M utilises to portray the Nazi occupation and elements of fascist ideology that are present in these frames. Combining the conceptualisation of fascism and collective action framing, the results of this study are related to the political platform of the OUN-M. The findings demonstrate that Ukraïns’ke slovo used three collective action frames to diagnose the alleged “enemies” of Ukrainians, propose a solution of eliminating these “enemies,” and motivate its audience. In the framing process, the periodical embedded fascist rhetoric in its portrayal of the German occupation of Soviet Ukraine. Furthermore, as of September-December 1941, the political platform of the OUN-M also had a strong fascist foundation. However, further research is required to explore the OUN-M as a fascist organisation.

This article reviews critical responses to recent academic debates on resilience and peacebuilding, with a focus on approaches that question the underlying logics of resilient peacebuilding in fundamental ways. It argues that, while resilience in peacebuilding lends agency and new policy direction to peacebuilding actors, enabling them to uphold the image of active global governance, this also helps to legitimize the existence and reproduction of dominant global-capitalist structures and practices that undermine long-term peacebuilding and give rise to risks of conflict and environmental disasters in the first place. We argue that this process hinders transformation away from an infinite growth economy by focusing on imminent systemic risks and solutions while ignoring potential normative–theoretical and practical–experiential alternatives to the global-capitalist frameworks at the heart of the problem.

Knowledge about violent conflict and international intervention is political. It involves power struggles over the objects of knowing (problematization/silencing), how they are known (epistemic practices), and what interpretations are taken into account in policymaking and implementation. This book unearths the politics, power and performances involved in the social construction of seemingly neutral concepts such as facts, truth and authenticity in knowing about violent conflict and international intervention. Contributors foreground problems of physical and social access to information, explore practices generating knowledge actors' authority and legitimacy, and analyse struggles over competing policy narratives. A first set of chapters focuses on the social construction of facts, truth and authenticity through studies of militia research in the DR Congo, politicians' on-site visits in intervention theatres in the Balkans and Afghanistan, and the epistemic practices of Human Rights Watch and comics journalism. A second set of contributions analyses the strategic side of knowledge through case studies of diplomatic counterinsurgency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, African governments' active role in the `bunkerization' of international aid workers, and authoritarian peacebuilding as a challenge to the liberal power/knowledge regime in world politics. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

In late August 1941, approximately 24,000 individuals, primarily Jews, were massacred in one of the initial mass killings at Kamianets-Podilskyi by the Nazi-German Sonderkommando. Some researchers assert that Roma from Hungary and Hungarian-occupied Transcarpathia (present-day Ukraine) were deported. These scholars claim that Roma became victims, despite the absence of explicit mentions in official German reports. Other researchers suggest that while Hungarian leaders had plans to deport Roma, this scheme was never carried out, resulting in no Roma being deported or killed.

New evidence presented in this article supports the implementation of these plans, indicating that around 500 to 1,000 Roma were expelled from Transcarpathia. Additionally, census data reinforces a significant reduction in the Roma population, with at least 777 Roma accounted for. Another piece of evidence suggests the expulsion of non-Jewish groups across borders, likely including Roma. However, the primary counterargument remains: the lack of post-deportation reports mentioning Roma.

Regarding the massacre and the potential Roma victims, there is only circumstantial evidence supporting the claim of mass killings. This includes verbal orders to exterminate Roma and victim categorization implying their presence among the victims. Further circumstantial evidence lies in reports of Roma killings by the same Sonderkommando in other locations. However, these reports do not explicitly mention Roma as victims, leaving ambiguity—whether they were excluded intentionally or were not victims at all.

It is probable that approximately 1,000 Roma were deported. Reports from 1942 state that Roma were killed in Kamianets-Podilskyi and its vicinity. Some survived, while others perished

This article investigates the power of national narratives and the lack of genuine efforts to come to terms with the past in Hungary and Romania. Hungary and Romania have experienced a common history marked by conflicts, changing borders, and totalitarian regimes. The two countries have not succeeded in overcoming issues in their common past. Instead, national narratives have been institutionalized in textbooks and among historians, even in the international context. Historians have narrated the nation's history under the strong influence of political agendas. This political force supports the hegemonic positions of the national narratives today. The national narratives are not only disseminated domestically, but are also reflected in articles about the two countries in encyclopedias abroad, such as the Swedish National Encyclopedia (Nationalencyklopedin). Romania has undertaken more efforts to come to terms with its past than Hungary has, in assuming responsibility for the Holocaust and investigating crimes against humanity during communism for example. Hungary's position on the Holocaust has been contradictory. On the one hand, Hungarian officials have admitted the Hungarian state's responsibility. However, on the other hand, leading historians appointed by the Hungarian government have explicitly claimed that Nazi-Germany alone was responsible for the Holocaust. The officially sanctioned responsibility assumed by the Hungarian and Romanian governments should be seen as sign of political correctness rather than genuine reconciliation. Politicians and historians in Hungary have together launched a campaign of historical revisionism, which is most visible with regard to the interwar and Second World War periods, in order to strengthen the national consciousness among its citizens. This campaign has reinforced the exclusive ethnic perspective of Hungary's history, and serves as a norm for present day politics. In both Hungary and Romania national narratives maintain a hegemonic position thanks to the support from politicians and some historians. This undermines reconciliation and accountability with regard to both the individual and the shared history of the two nations.

This article discusses the case of revitalization of the Wymysorys language, spoken in Wilamowice, Poland, where literacy not only plays a role in education-oriented proficiency development, but also where literature is utilized in the learning process and adapted for the purpose of theatrical performances. The authors argue that engagement in these literature-based theatrical activities promotes and expedites language entrenchment that usually develops gradually in ‘normal’ conversational contexts, which are usually lacking in cases of severe language endangerment. The paper addresses the theoretical and practical disparity regarding the role of literature in RLS activities (Fishman 1991), which emphasizes spoken language and ‘natural’ intergenerational language transmission.

This paper presents results from an ethnographic study of language policy as it is enacted in everyday interaction in two language profile preschools in Sweden with explicit monolingual language policies: English and Finnish, respectively. However, in both preschools, children are free to choose language or code alternate. The study shows how children through their interactive choices create and modify language policy-in-practice. We analyze extracts from typical free play interactions in each setting. We show how children use code alternation as a contextualization cue in both settings, but with somewhat different interac- tional consequences. Children in both preschools tend to follow the lead of the preceding speaker’s language choice. Code alternation is also a means to manage conversational roles, for example, to show alignment. While the staff give priority to the profile language, the children show through their interaction that skills in both the preschool’s profile language and in Swedish are valuable.

This thesis examines views on reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and how these have changed over time, in an attempt to elucidate if transitional justice can promote reconciliation in the aftermath of ethnic conflict in systems that entrench ethnonational insecurity. Drawing upon literature from the field of social psychology, the paper argues that the work of transitional justice mechanisms is interpreted through a sociopsychological infrastructure of conflict which hinders the intended effects from being realized. Data from two levels of analysis is utilized, with statements made by political elites and population surveys in order to identify trends in the views on reconciliation. While there is limited positive change observed at the population level, the same cannot be said of the elites. Ultimately, the results suggest that, in the case of post-Dayton BiH, transitional justice has been unable to promote reconciliation in the aftermath of ethnic conflict. 

The research question of the present paper is the following: to what degree (if any) is gender relevant as an explanatory factor in, firstly, the process of assimilation and later, the process of (re)vitalisation of indigenous and minority languages in northern Fenno-Scandia (the North Calotte)? The assimilation of the ethnic groups in question was a process initiated and lead by the authorities in the three different countries. Finland, Sweden and Norway. Nevertheless, members of the indigenous and minority groups also took part in practicing, though, not necessarily promoting, the official assimilation politics, for different reasons. (Re)vitalisation, on the other hand, was initially - and still is - mostly a process stemming from the minority groups themselves, though the authorities to a certain extent have embraced it. The paper thus addresses the question of whether gender played a role in the two different processes, assimilation and (re)vitalisation, and if that was the case, how and why.

Läget är spänt i Suwalkiområdet. Det är en liten men strategiskt viktig del av nordöstra Europa, och härifrån kom många judar en gång till Sverige. Carl Henrik Carlsson har rest till sina förfäders Raczki i Polen och nystat i historien om Suwalkikorridorens svenska anknytning.

I denna bok undersöks integrationen av barnen till alla så kallade östjudar (födda i det ryska tsarimperiet) som bodde i Sverige år 1880. Denna invandrargrupp var till viss del stigmatiserad och föremål för östjudefobi, ett slags selektiv antisemitism. 

Det svårmätbara fenomenet integration har brutits ner i olika områden: social, ekonomisk och politisk inkludering. Ett antal longitudinella delstudier har utförts. Samtliga 857 barn har i folkbokföringsmaterial följts till vuxen ålder.

Drygt hälften av barnen lämnade Sverige, de flesta för USA där boendemönstret mer kom att likna det för judar generellt än svenska emigranters i allmänhet. Bland de kvarvarande skedde en påtaglig omflyttning från landsortsstäder till Stockholm och Göteborg. Inom dessa två städer skedde också en ganska stor omflyttning från mindre till mer välbärgade stadsdelar. Denna geografiska rörlighet var ett uttryck för en ekonomisk och social mobilitet,

Nästan alla av barnens fäder var 1880 sysselsatta inom handelssektorn, men bara ungefär hälften av barnen som vuxna. Det fanns också en uppåtgående socioekonomisk rörlighet, i synnerhet för de män som blev kvar i Sverige. Många gjorde klassresor.

Få konverterade till kristendomen, men många, framför allt män, gifte sig med kristna partners, däremot nästan ingen med någon från de gamla svensk-judiska släkterna.

En av delundersökningarna visar att 21 procent av de män som blev kvar i Sverige bytte bort sina släktnamn, framför allt de slaviskt klingande. Detta skiljer sig från förhållandena i exempelvis Tyskland där främst typiskt ”judiska namn” byttes bort. 

Göteborgsvitsen, Barnens dag, Gustav Adolfsbakelsen, skolämnet slöjd och musiken till Idas sommarvisa – alla är de exempel på företeelser som uppfattas som typiskt svenska men som i själva verket är skapade av svenska judar. För att inte tala om alla övriga avtryck gjorda av judiska konstnärer, författare, politiker och skådespelare. Om dem och många andra handlar den här boken.

Judar har fått bo permanent i Sverige sedan 1770-talet utan att behöva konvertera till kristendomen, även om det länge fanns många restriktioner. Den förhållandevis lilla befolkningsgruppen har alltid varit heterogen med stora socioekonomiska, kulturella och religiösa skillnader. Integrationen har i stort sett varit mycket lyckad.

Intresset för och forskning om judarnas historia i Sverige har ökat avsevärt under de senaste decennierna, men ett översiktsverk har länge saknats. I den här boken ges en sådan helhetsbild. Vi möter enskilda judar men får också veta hur judiska församlingar och andra organisationer vuxit fram och relaterat till det omgivande majoritetssamhället – det har ständigt gällt att försöka hålla balansen mellan tradition, förnyelse och anpassning och att förhålla sig till den ständigt närvarande antisemitismen.