This article introduces a variety of Romani groups living in Soviet Ukraine and their ways of life—sedentary, semi-nomadic and nomadic—highlighting that semi-nomadism is omitted category in scholarship even though most of the Roma in Soviet Ukraine maintained a semi-nomadic way of life. Through the discussion of the notion of nomadism, the research analyses how the Romani ways of life have changed over time from before and after the Second World War. Examining the Soviet policy towards the Roma in Soviet Ukraine (1930s–1950s), particularly, the creation of the kolkhoz system and the issue of the “Khrushchev Decree”, the paper argues that the changes in Romani ways of life occurred due to suppressive policies of the Soviet state directed to the forced sedentarisation of Roma.
This thesis explores the Swedish Institute’s construction of a national narrative of Sweden and the war and how it changed over time by comparing three time periods, 1939-1945, 1946-1959, 1960-1969. The adapting narrative of World War II serves to illustrate changes in the Swedish Institute’s projected Swedish identity, focusing on neutrality as an intrinsic component. Creating a national narrative to compliment Sweden’s image served to strengthen Sweden’s international reputation. Thus the Swedish Institute’s narrative of Sweden and the war adjusts according to the changing contexts. Ultimately the Swedish Institute constructed a narrative that was complimentary to the image of Sweden they intended to promote internationally.
För att få en mer komplex och verklig bild av tidigare samhällen måste vi inkludera variationer på sexualitet och genuspresentation. Kärlek mellan kvinnor är ofta förbisett av historiker och har studerats mycket lite inom Sverige. Denna undersökning fokuserar på ordet “lesbisk” under perioden 1850-1950, under vilken det gick från att vara ett av flera termer för kärlek mellan kvinnor till att bli det vanligaste ordet för kvinnlig homosexualitet. Undersökningen belyser hur kärlek mellan kvinnor konceptualiseras i svensk populärkultur genom en begreppshistorisk analys av ordet “lesbisk”s användning i svenska dagstidningar.
Källmaterialet samlas genom sökning på termen “lesbi*” i Kungliga Bibliotekets tidningsdatabas, där de artiklar som ger homosexuell mening till ordet “lesbisk” sorteras ut. Analysen genomförs genom både en översiktlig kategorisering av de olika sätt ordet används - i kategorierna lesbisk kärlek, lesbisk kvinna, lesbisk böjelse och Sapfo - samt genom djupare textanalys av de mer textrika artiklarna i källmaterialet.
Resultaten visar på en stadig ökning i användningen av ordet “lesbisk” under perioden, samt att benämningar av kvinnlig samkönad sexualitet förekom betydligt tidigare än vad tidigare forskning visar; den tidigaste användningen i detta källmaterial är från 1842. Innehållsmässigt användes “lesbisk” främst i negativa sammanhang eller konnotationer och konceptet i sig separeras även ofta från personer och används istället kopplat till sexualitet och platser den utövas på. Sättet lesbiskhet diskuterades under den tidigare delen av undersökningsperioden indikerar att det skedde fler diskussioner om kvinnlig homosexualitet än vad sökningen kunde fånga upp, då de ofta använde vaga ordval och antydningar istället för explicita termer som “lesbisk”.
I uppsatsen undersöks de uppfattningar om ryska revolutionen, den efterföljande utvecklingen och Sovjetunionens grundande som kom till uttryck i den konsevativa idé- och debattorganet Svensk tidskrift under åren 1917-1926. Undersökningen har hämtat sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i den poskoloniala teorins område.
Tre övergripande teman kan sägas ha identifierats som särskilt betydelsefulla inom den konservativa diskussionen: föreställningen om det specifikt ryska i revolutionen, idén om den ryska historiens kontinuitet, samt föreställningen om Ryssland som ett historiskt, samtida och framtida hot. Dessa ingick i den konservativa uppfattningen om Ryssland som den främmande "diskursive Andre".
This thesis proposes two separate intents lying behind the use of violence: namely, “nationalizing” (Gumz 2001) or utopian ideology, and the strategic desire to control territory. Three hypotheses are formulated on this basis, and applied to the case of Lika in 1941. The first predicts that violence exercised by actors motivated by the first type of intent will become increasingly indiscriminate, and is strongly corroborated in the case of the Ustaše. The second hypothesis, building on Kalyvas’ (2006) model, predicts that the selective or indiscriminate nature of violence executed by actors motivated by the second type of intent will correlate with the actor’s level of control: this is largely corroborated in the case of the Italians, but only partly so in the case of the Partisans. The final hypothesis, combining the arguments of Kalyvas (2006) and Dulić and Hall (2014), predicts a stark contrast in the geographical spread of violence executed by strategic and ideological actors, and is strongly corroborated. The thesis works from a micro-level approach.
This essay has studied how politicians in Sweden argued in the debate regarding the issue of liqour smuggling in Sweden during the prohibition era.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the effects of New Public Management (NPM) reforms on three specific professional groups. From this investigation it is clear that the assumptions inherent in the NPM reforms have resulted in a clear breach of what we theoretically refer to as the professional contract between the state and the professions. We show in this analysis that our studied professional groups have lost central aspects of their professional autonomy. We problematize the perception that an ever-increasing demand for steering and control of professionals within the public sector should be perceived as something exclusively good. In addition to the costs of monitoring, the centrally important paradox of accountability should be taken into consideration, i.e. responsible interpretation and application of external accountability demands rest on the cultivation of the virtues that support good administrative judgement, the type of judgement that is threatened by the control-schemes presented in this article.
The essay is about the farmworkers that worked within a system of payment. This consisted in one part of a small amount of salary as payment in money and the other two was for food and a place to live. This type of payment made it problematic to see how much a worker actually earned. It was especially hard to compare with an industrial worker when the houses where run down and the food had a bad quality. Focus for this essay is what was discussed in the union’s weekly newspaper “Lantarbetaren” about the farmworkers between the years 1938-1942 when the debate was most intense, which it was in the last years, were the system of this type of payment was obsolete.
The essay is focused in three areas, the buildings that the workers lived in and its living condition, the work condition and the workers right to organize.
Folkhemmet eller i alla fall den den idealiserade bilden av folkhemmet har i Sverige haft och fortsätter ha en viss nostalgisk prägel över sig som en slags höjdpunkt av framtidshopp och samhällsbyggande och har kanske framförallt kommit att associeras med de s.k. rekordåren efter andra världskriget. Precis som 1950-talets USA, och Tysklands Wirtschaftwunder så är det en period som associeras med rekordartad tillväxt, låg arbetslöshet och utbyggnad av samhällsservicen.3 Folkhemmet har blivit själva symbolen för landet Sverige.Därför har den också tacksamt låtit sig lånas till olika versioner av historiebruk.
Socialdemokraterna (SAP) har förstås gärna använt sig av folkhemmet - detta gamla intyg på regeringsduglighet men ckså de Nya Moderaterna under Fredrik Reinfeldt och Per Schlingmann använde sig gärna av Socialdemokratiskt bildspråk från rekordåren, tog vissa nyckelbegrepp och omförhandlade betydelsen i dessa osv. I denna uppsats kommer vi dock att med hjälp av Ulf Zanders historiebrukstypologi undersöka Sverigedemokraterna och deras stundtals kontroversiella historiebruk av folkhemmet, detta kommer att sättas i relation till sverigedemokraternas historiska utvecklingskurva i strävan efter allt mer legitimitet och ideologisering.
En studie i historieläroböckernas gemensamma tendentiösa vinkling av öst och väst utifrån slaget vid Stalingrad och D-dagen i läroböckernsa skildringar från 1950 till 2015.
Throughout the course of the 19th century mankind experienced a lot of changes to the way they were used to live life, mostly due to the expansion of the industrial revolution. But the biggest change was perhaps the change in the conditions for women all over the world. Women no longer wanted to live their lives behind closed doors looking out from the window and thinking of all the things that they could have done with their lives. They wanted to be a part of society and they, sometimes literally, fought for change. In Sweden women got the right to vote in 1921. The way there was long and difficult with a lot of obstacles and prejudice to overcome. But not all of the associations had voting rights for women on their agenda. Some of them were strictly philanthropic. After reading Eva Österberg’s book “Rummet vidgas”, where she discusses her theory about 19th century women in Sweden and the “closed room” that used to be their arena of movement and its expansion during the 19th century, I decided to do a research in my hometown and therefor took a closer look at the first association started by women in 1854 in the little town of Eskilstuna, 90 km from Stockholm. The association was started by a few leading women and their goal was to help the less fortunate children of the community with clothes and shoes so they could attend school and later on be useful members of the society. In doing so the women themselves took their rightful place in the public society. The women were very successful, they achieved well more than they had set out for and the association managed to exist for over a hundred years helping thousands of children.
The article examines how people within the Church of Sweden's leadership tried to solve 'the problem of vagrancy' in Sweden in the early twentieth century. In focus are the priest John Melander and the deacon Josef Flinth, who advocated and realized various activities for categories of poor and mobile men in the population. These interventions, defined as help-to-self-help, differentiated between the 'worthy' and the 'unworthy' needy. In publications and lectures, Melander and Flinth presented arguments to transfer 'unworthy' categories to the 'worthy', thereby expanding the community of value. This expansion was conditioned, however, by boundaries drawn regarding ideas on belonging and ethnicity. Working in the borderlands of the community as part of a Christian calling, Melander and Flinth contributed to the expansion of social work in the early twentieth century.
A study focusing on comparing the Scandinavian countries' syllabi for the subject of history.
The purpose of this study is to analyze different materials used in the history classes in Swedish schools. Both digital materials and textbooks have been used in the study to compare how the content differs. The Yugoslav wars have been selected in the study to search for teaching materials. The results show large differences in content and quantity about the war, something that was expected before the analysis. The content has been based on different didactic categories based on a chosen theory for the study. Thereafter the differences were highlighted and the content was selected and placed based on the template with categories of Ammert.