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  • 1.
    Kuyper, Jonathan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratic Deliberation in the Modern World: The Systemic Turn2015In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 27, no 1, p. 49-63Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The normative ideals and feasibility of deliberative democracy have come under attack from several directions, as exemplified by a recent book version of a special issue of this journal. Critics have pointed out that the complexity of the modern world, voter ignorance, partisanship, apathy, and the esoteric nature of political communications make it unlikely that deliberation will be successful at creating good outcomes, and that it may in fact be counterproductive since it can polarize opinions. However, these criticisms were aimed at micro theories of deliberative democracy. The new systemic turn in deliberative democracy avoids these problems by positing a system-wide division of labor in a nation-state: experts and ordinary citizens check each other's opinions; partisanship and even ignorance can spur deliberation among citizens; and citizens may remain apathetic about some issues but deliberate about others. So long as the overall level of systemic deliberation increases, instead of decreases, the ideal of deliberation is still relevant in a society as complex as ours.

  • 2.
    Kuyper, Jonathan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Means and Ends of Deliberative Democracy: Rejoinder to Gunn2017In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 29, no 3, p. 328-350Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This rejoinder represents a final installment in a debate between myself and Paul Gunn over the feasibility and desirability of deliberative democracy. Here I argue that our debate has helped clarify an ambivalence in the literature surrounding the ends and means of deliberative democracy. I specify two ways to understand both ends and means, establish their importance in deliberative theory, and show how they can be combined. I conclude by showing how this systemic view incorporates and overcomes several challenges facing modern democracy, such as the necessity of expert authority, the role of partisanship, and the problem of social complexity.

  • 3.
    Larsson, Oscar
    Department of Urban and Rural Development, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Sweden.
    Advancing Post-Structural Institutionalism: Discourses, Subjects, Power Asymmetries, and Institutional Change2018In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 30, no 3-4, p. 325-346Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Colin Hay’s and Vivien Schmidt’s responses to my previous critical engagement with their respective versions of neo-institutionalism raise the issue of how scholars may account for the ideational power of political processes and how ideas may generate both stability and change. Even though Hay, Schmidt, and I share a common philosophical ground in many respects, we nevertheless diverge in our views about how to account for ideational power and for actors’ ability to navigate a social reality that is saturated with structures and meaning. There continues to be a need for an analytical framework that incorporates discourse and a constitutive logic based upon the power in ideas. Post-structural institutionalism (PSI) analyzes discourse as knowledge claims by means of the concept of a constitutive causality, analytically identified in respect to institutions, such that the substantive content of ideas/discourse provides ideational power and generates immanent change.

  • 4.
    Larsson, Oscar
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Using Post-structuralism to Explore the Full Impact of Ideas on Politics2015In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 174-197Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Colin Hay's constructivist institutionalism and Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutionalism are two recent attempts to theorize ideas as potential explanations of institutional change. This new attention to the causal role of ideas is welcome, but Hay and Schmidt do not take into consideration the constitutive and structural aspects of ideas. Instead they reduce ideas to properties of individual conscious minds, scanting the respects in which ideas are intersubjectively baked into the practices shared by individuals. This aspect of ideasarguably, the institutional side of ideasis developed in post-structuralist thought, which therefore demands a place in ideational research.

  • 5.
    Larsson, Oscar
    Department of Government, Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Using Post-structuralism to Explore the Full Impact of Ideas on Politics2015In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 174-197Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Colin Hay's constructivist institutionalism and Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutionalism are two recent attempts to theorize ideas as potential explanations of institutional change. This new attention to the causal role of ideas is welcome, but Hay and Schmidt do not take into consideration the constitutive and structural aspects of ideas. Instead they reduce ideas to properties of individual conscious minds, scanting the respects in which ideas are intersubjectively baked into the practices shared by individuals. This aspect of ideasarguably, the institutional side of ideasis developed in post-structuralist thought, which therefore demands a place in ideational research.

  • 6.
    Lewin, Leif
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Cooperation for the common good: Reply to the symposium2011In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 23, no 3, p. 359-370Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The "symmetry assumption" in public-choice theory-the idea that people act just as selfishly in the political sphere as they do in the economic sphere-is a good theory that runs afoul of much of the evidence. The public-choice theorists in this symposium, Munger and Mueller, have thus retreated from claiming that public choice explains most political behavior, with Munger positing it as an ideal type that, in principle, might explain no behavior at all. For example, Berman suggests that even politicians who say and do "anything" to be elected or re-elected may well do so in order to acquire the power they think they need if they are to enact policies that will serve the public good. The normative project of "constitutional political economy" into which the original, empirical version of public choice seems to have evolved may or may not tell us how to structure institutions to prevent greedy actors from using politics as a means to their personal aggrandizement. But that project cannot, even hypothetically, produce the public-choice "findings" of widespread self-interestedness in politics that my book found were nonexistent.

  • 7.
    Lewin, Leif
    Uppsala University, Disciplinary Domain of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Government.
    Man, society, and the failure of politics1998In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 12, no 1-2, p. 1-12Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Why are political decisions often unfortunate? In replying to this question public-choice theorists fail to distinguish individual conditions from systemic ones. Instead, they make sweeping claims about the egoism of man and the failure of politics. But the real problem is that we often experience government failures despite the best, the most benign motives on the part of citizens, politicians, and bureaucrats. Better than the theory of man's innate self-interest is the theory of the unintended consequences arising from the inherent shortcomings of the political system. To wish well but to do evil-that is the dilemma of politics.

  • 8.
    Wennström, Johan
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, Political Science. Linköping University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Research Institute Ind Econ IFN, Sweden.
    A LEFT/RIGHT CONVERGENCE ON THE NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT? THE UNINTENDED POWER OF DIVERSE IDEAS2016In: Critical review (New York, N.Y.), ISSN 0891-3811, E-ISSN 1933-8007, Vol. 28, no 3-4, p. 380-403Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While it might appear self-evident that the trend toward the New Public Management (NPM) in the public administration systems of many Western countries is an outgrowth of neoliberalism, the case of Swedish education suggests that such policies can have widely different and counterintuitive sources. Ideas about education from both sides of the political spectrum appear to have paved the way for NPM in the Swedish school system. This possibility casts the ideological basis for NPM reforms in a new light, at least in the context of the Swedish school system.

1 - 8 of 8
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