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  • 1.
    Adamson, Göran
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för individ och samhälle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och socialpedagogik.
    Migrants and Crime in Sweden in the Twenty-First Century2020Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 57, nr 1, s. 9-21Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2005, the Swedish Crime Prevention Agency published a report about the link between immigration and crime. Since then, no comprehensive study has been conducted even though Sweden has experienced a large influx of migrants in combination with a rising crime rate. This study conducted by Goran Adamson and Tino Sanandaji is the first purely descriptive scientific investigation on the matter in fifteen years. The investigation (from 2002 to 2017) covers seven distinct categories of crime, and distinguishes between seven regions of origin. Based on 33 per cent of the population (2017), 58 per cent of those suspect for total crime on reasonable grounds are migrants. Regarding murder, manslaughter and attempted murder, the figures are 73 per cent, while the proportion of robbery is 70 per cent. Non-registered migrants are linked to about 13 per cent of total crime. Given the fact that this group is small, crime propensity among non-registered migrants is significant.

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  • 2.
    Adamson, Göran
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för individ och samhälle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och socialpedagogik.
    Was National Socialism Anti-Sex?: On Left-Wing Fantasies and Sex as the Dark Matter of Politics2017Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 54, nr 1, s. 23-28Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Drawing on an extensive amount of work by other researchers, as well as some literary sources from the time, Goran Adamson discusses the widespread view that Nazism was anti-sex. Indeed, during Nazi rule homosexuality and street prostitution were persecuted, and Jews and “degenerates” were prevented from having sex (not merely by law, but by elimination). However, reported circumstances such as cheap access to condoms, a high number of pregnancies during party rallies, and quasi-religious cultivation of “the Germanic sexual instinct” would suggest that matters may have been much less restrictive for the majority of Germans. The idea of an overall Nazi anti-sex attitude may well have been constructed by intellectuals from the Freudian Left/Frankfurt School, especially their theories of an intimate connection between sexual repression and authoritarianism. Such views gained widespread popularity with the 68’ generation, and they were an essential reason why sexuality came to be considered the cure for all social evils. This overestimation of the significance of sexual liberation, and recent conservative reactions to it, constitute an important part of today’s political landscape.

  • 3.
    Adamson, Göran
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för individ och samhälle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och socialpedagogik.
    Why Do Right-Wing Populist Parties Prosper?: Twenty-One Suggestions to the Anti-Racist2019Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 56, nr 1, s. 47-58Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this piece, Goran Adamson argues that the anti-racist rhetoric is naive and dangerously counter-productive. In theory, they refer to populist parties fueling on the anti-racist elite’s outcries. In practise, however, the anti-racists have forgotten all about it, and seem to believe that right-wing populism will vanish if only it is told off. Shocked, anti-racists say populist parties gain voters despite having certain views. But nobody votes on a party despite its view. True to leftist sensationalism, anti-racists always talk about fascism within right-wing populist parties, thereby overlooking a wide array of other causes for voter appeal. Prone to instant aggression, anti-racists react with fury to any populist provocation, thereby contributing to the meteoric rise of contemporary populism in the West. Instead of conducting a proper analysis, anti-racists say how can people vote on these parties and so on - much like an anti-racist bourgeoisie. Anti-racists, Goran Adamson claims, seem to think knowledge of right-wing populism is compromising, as if you would be tainted by it. In fact, it is the other way around. Criticism requires knowledge - and an ignorant anti-racist might, in the long run, have no power to resist the allure of right-wing populism. People vote on right-wing populist parties, anti-racists maintain, because these people fail to understand. But they claim they do, even though they have reached other conclusions. The responsibility of the financial and political classes for provoking popular reactions is minimized, while the distress among ordinary people is belittled or moralized. The political class ignores a central leftist principle: social behavior has often political/economic explanations. As a direct result of multiculturalism, the pet theory among anti-racists, society’s underprivileged groups - domestic workers and migrants - are in constant conflict instead of uniting against globalization and neoliberal deregulation. This is called divide and rule. In their quest for ideological purity, any anti-EU sentiment, anti-racists claim, is right-wing extreme, hence driving scores of voters into the arms of right-wing populism. These parties are further boosted by the fact that anti-racists sneer at family values and cultural traditionalism. Vocal victims of EU’s austerity measures are dismissed as right-wingers, further fueling political polarization. Popular and populist, anti-racists maintain, is basically the same thing. As a result, democracy becomes politically tainted, and the anti-racist elites are the only safe-guard against unaccountable elites. Right-wing populists never cease to talk about our roots, while multiculturalists never stop talking about roots overseas. Save for that geographic detail, they are two branches of the politicalromantic tree. Right-wing populist parties prosper, but not despite anti-racist efforts, Goran Adamson argues, but as a result of them.

  • 4.
    Aspers, Patrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen.
    The Second Road to Phenomenological Sociology2010Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 47, nr 3, s. 214-219Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article outlines and discusses the second road to phenomenology. It is argued that Martin Heidegger's approach to phenomenology represents a radical break with the first, and egological, road paved by Edmund Husserl. The article shows that sociologists who have followed Husserl and Schutz, or more generally have assumed the egological approach, in fact operate with a non-sociological starting point. Husserl brackets the lifeworld in order to get to true knowledge. In his view, ego tries to reach out to other egos, and social relations is a consequence of egos attempts. Heidegger, in contrast, argues that our lifeworld is the starting point of any knowledge, and this means that man is essentially constituted as being together with other men.

  • 5.
    Aspers, Patrik
    Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen.
    The Second Road to Phenomenological Sociology2010Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 47, nr 3, s. 214-219Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article outlines and discusses the second road to phenomenology. It is argued that Martin Heidegger's approach to phenomenology represents a radical break with the first, and egological, road paved by Edmund Husserl. The article shows that sociologists who have followed Husserl and Schutz, or more generally have assumed the egological approach, in fact operate with a non-sociological starting point. Husserl brackets the lifeworld in order to get to true knowledge. In his view, ego tries to reach out to other egos, and social relations is a consequence of egos attempts. Heidegger, in contrast, argues that our lifeworld is the starting point of any knowledge, and this means that man is essentially constituted as being together with other men.

  • 6.
    Gronow, Jukka
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen.
    Karl Schlögel: The Scent of Empires: Chanel No. 5 and Red Moscow2021Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 58, nr 5, s. 413-415Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 7. Klein, Daniel B.
    et al.
    Stern, Charlotta
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för social forskning (SOFI).
    Liberal Versus Conservative Stinks2008Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 45, nr 6, s. 488-495Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In a recent Public Opinion Quarterly article “Is the Academy a Liberal Hegemony?,” John Zipp and Rudy Fenwick pit themselves against “right-wing activists and scholars,” citing our scholarship (Klein and Stern in Academic Questions 18(1): 40–52, 2005a; Klein and Western in Academic Questions 18(1): 53–65, 2005). Here, we analyze Zipp and Fenwick’s characterization of our research and find it faulty. We, then, turn to their self-identification “liberal vs. conservative” findings and show they concord with our analysis. If one feels that it is a problem that humanities and social science faculty at 4-year colleges and universities are vastly predominantly democratic voters, mostly with views that may called establishment-left, progressive, or status-quo oriented, then such concerns should not be allayed by Zipp and Fenwick’s article. We commence the article with a criticism of the “liberal versus conservative” framework because it is the source of much of the confusion surrounding controversies such as the one over the ideological profile of faculty.

  • 8.
    Stern, Charlotta
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för social forskning (SOFI).
    European Professors as Public Intellectuals2009Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 46, nr 2, s. 110-118Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Historically, European economists, compared to their American counterpart, were more involved in public discussions of policy. In this paper it is argued that this has likely changed. The chief reasons seem to involve the European imitation of the academic ethos that is more prevalent in America. Features of this academic ethos include a more formalist orientation in graduate programs and an academic incentive system wherein professional journal publication is paramount and public discourse is relatively devalued. I suggest there is an inescapable ideological dilemma in addressing the costs and benefits of professors’ neglect of public discourse. The ideological character of academics compared with our own political sensibilities affect whether we want academics to influence public discourse or not. I use the history of academics as public intellectuals in Sweden to substantiate the change, and I use new data on Swedish social science academics to see whether those who participate in public discourse tend to have certain political and social views.

  • 9.
    Stern, Charlotta
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen.
    Klein, Daniel B.
    Stockholm City's Elderly Care and Covid19: Interview with Barbro Karlsson2020Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 57, nr 4, s. 434-445Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Upwards of 70% of the Covid19 death toll in Sweden has been people in elderly care services (as of mid-May 2020). We summarize the Covid19 tragedy in elderly care in Sweden, particularly in the City of Stockholm. We explain the institutional structure of elderly care administration and service provision. Those who died of Covid19 in Stockholm's nursing homes had a life-remaining median somewhere in the range of 5 to 9 months. Having contextualized the Covid19 problem in City of Stockholm, we present an interview of Barbro Karlsson, who works at the administrative heart of the Stockholm elderly care system. Her institutional knowledge and sentiment offer great insight into the concrete problems and challenges. There are really two sides to the elderly care Covid19 challenge: The vulnerability and frailty of those in nursing homes and the problem of nosocomial infection-that is, infection caused by contact with others involved in the elderly care experience. The problem calls for targeted solutions by those close to the vulnerable individuals.

  • 10.
    Åberg, John H.S.
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS). Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Rethinking Democracy (REDEM).
    Is There a State Crisis in Sweden?2019Ingår i: Society, ISSN 0147-2011, E-ISSN 1936-4725, Vol. 56, nr 1, s. 23-30Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Is Sweden a failed state in the making or a paradise on earth? Neither. Sweden is a functioning democracy but it faces serious challenges. This article attempts to make sense of them. It considers issues of law and order and the emergence of parallel structures of power. It shows that Sweden, following an unprecedented wave of immigration, is experiencing an ongoing struggle to define the nation.

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1 - 10 av 10
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